LIBRARY  OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 

AT  URBANA-CHAMPAIGN 


977.3 
R740 


I  .H.S. 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2012  with  funding  from 

University  of  Illinois  Urbana-Champaign 


http://archive.org/details/outlawsofcaveinrOOroth 


THE  OUTLAWS 

OF 

CAVE-IN-ROCK 


Cave-in-Rock 

(From  an  original  oil  painting  by  J.  Bernhard  Alberts,  made  in  1916) 


THE  OUTLAWS  OF 
CAVE-IN-ROCK 

Historical  Accounts  of  the  Famous  High- 
waymen and  River  Pirates  who  operated 
in  Pioneer  Days  upon  the  Ohio  and 
Mississippi  rivers  and  over  the 
old  Natchez  Trace 

by 
Otto  A.  Rothert 

Secretary,  The  Filson  Club 


The  Arthur  H.  Clark  Company 
Cleveland:     1924 


COPYRIGHT,    I923,   BY 

OTTO  A.   ROTHERT 


All  Rights  Reserved 


6- 


-D  17  A  .  *JM         //^&k.     S^AAT1, 


TO  MY  FRIEND 
YOUNG  E.  ALLISON 


-<P 


670438 


Contents 

The  Purpose  of  this  Narrative            .        .        .        .  13 

The  Lair  of  the  Outlaws 17 

Piracy  and  Rough  Life  on  the  River    .        .        .        .  37 

The  Harpes  -  A  Terrible  Frontier  Story      .        .        .  55 

The  Harpes  -  Renewal  of  the  Terror          ...  83 

The  Harpes -Big  Harpe's  Ride  to  Death     .        .        .  107 

The  Harpes  -  Mysteries  and  Fate  of  Survivors    .        .  139 

Mason  -  Soldier,  Pirate,  Highwayman          .        .        .  157 

Mason -On  the  Natchez  Trace 179 

Mason  -  Trapped  and  Tried            207 

Mason  and  Harpe  -  Double-Cross  and  Double  Death  241 

Coiners  at  the  Cave 267 

The  Ford's  Ferry  Mystery 283 

Paying  the  Penalty 307 

The  Cave  in  Fiction 321 

Bibliography- Manuscript  Sources                .        .        .  335 

Bibliography  -  Printed  Sources 336 

Index               .            347 


Illustrations 

Cave-in-Rock Frontispiece 

From  an  original  oil  painting  by  J.  Bernhard  Alberts,  made 
in  1916 

Interior  of  Cave-in-Rock 21 

From  a  drawing  by  J.  Bernhard  Alberts  made  in  1916 

Interior  of  Cave-in-Rock  about  1825     ....        33 

From  the  original   drawing  by  Charles   Alexander  Leseuer 

Facsimile  of  News  Item  regarding  Capture  of  Micajah 

Harpe  123 

Dated,  Lexington,  Kentucky,  September  10,  1799,  and  pub- 
lished in  the  Carolina  Gazette,  Charleston,  S.  C,  October  24, 
1799 

Map  showing  Cave-in-Rock  and  the  Natchez  Trace, 

1814  193 

Facsimile  of  Passport  issued  to  Samuel  Mason  .        .      213 

Written  in  French  and  issued  by  the  Spanish  Commandant 
of  the  District  of  New  Madrid,  March  29,  1800 

Gallows  Field,  Jefferson  County,  Mississippi       .        .       259 

From  a  drawing  by  J.  Bernhard  Alberts,  made  in  1917 

Implements  and  Weapons  used  by  the  Outlaws        .      269 
Entrance  to  the  Cave  and  Lower  End  of  Cave-in- 
Rock  Bluff  299 

From  an  original  photograph  made  in  1917 

View  of  Cave-in-Rock  and  Vicinity,  1833       .        .        .      323 

Reproduced  from  Charles  Bodmer's  drawing 


The  Purpose  of  this  Narrative 

This  book  is  intended  to  give  the  authentic  story  of 
the  famous  Cave-in-Rock  of  the  lower  Ohio  River,  as 
collected  from  historic  and  romantic  sources,  and  to 
present  verified  accounts  of  the  most  notorious  of  those 
highwaymen  and  river  pirates  who  in  the  early  days  of 
the  middle  West  and  South  filled  the  Mississippi  basin 
with  the  alarm  and  terror  of  their  crimes  and  exploits. 

All  the  criminals  herein  treated  made  their  head- 
quarters at  one  time  or  another  in  this  famous  cavern., 
It  became  a  natural,  safe  hiding-place  for  the  pirates 
who  preyed  on  the  flatboat  traffic  before  the  days  of 
steamboats.  It  came  also  to  serve  the  same  purpose  for 
highwaymen  infesting  the  old  Natchez  Trace  and  other 
land  trails  north  and  south. 

A  century  ago  and  more,  its  rock-ribbed  walls  echoed 
the  drunken  hilarity  of  villains  and  witnessed  the  death 
struggles  of  many  a  vanished  man.  Today  this  former 
haunt  of  criminals  is  as  quiet  as  a  tomb.  Nothing  is 
left  in  the  Cave  to  indicate  the  outrages  that  were  com- 
mitted there  in  the  olden  days. 

One  state  historian  of  our  own  times  -  Parrish,  of 
Illinois  -  thus  describes  it:  "The  gruesome  spot,  which 
in  those  old  border  days  witnessed  many  a  scene  of 
revelry  and  bloodshed,  is  today  no  more  than  a  curi- 
osity, its  past  victims,  white  and  black,  forgotten.  Just 
below  it,  where,  in  1801,  there  stood  one  lone  cabin, 
there  is  today  a  thrifty  village."  In  a  sense  the  victims 
have  been  forgotten ;  yet  they  survive  in  the  true  stories 


14  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

of  such  of  them  as  the  preserved  records  can  be  made 
to  disclose. 

The  story  of  the  Harpes  is  more  than  that  of  mere 
criminals.  They  were  arch-criminals  among  criminals, 
apparently  loving  murder  for  its  own  sake.  There  was 
a  time  when  the  whole  of  Kentucky  and  Tennessee  was 
terrorized  at  the  possibility  of  their  appearance  at  any 
hour  in  any  locality.  Samuel  Mason  (or  Meason)  the 
Wilsons,  and  others,  measured  up  more  nearly  to  the 
standard  of  true  highwaymen  and  pirates.  If  they  had 
lived  in  England  their  careers  would  have  closed  on 
Tyburn  Hill  or  at  the  rope's  end  on  "Execution  Dock." 
The  stories  of  James  Ford  show  that  his  real  classifica- 
tion must  forever  remain  largely  a  mystery. 

Any  history  of  these  outlaws  would  doubtless  be 
looked  upon  as  wild  fiction  unless  the  statements  were 
carefully  verified  by  court  records  and  contemporary 
newspaper  notices,  and  the  records  of  early  writers  who 
gathered  the  facts  regarding  them  when  these  facts 
were  told  by  men  and  women  who  lived  at  the  time  the 
atrocities  were  committed.  The  adage  that  "truth  is 
stranger  than  fiction"  is  exemplified  fully  in  their 
careers. 

The  lives  and  exploits  of  these  men  constitute  an  im- 
portant phase  in  pioneer  life  because  their  deeds  greatly 
affected  the  settlement  of  the  new  country.  Dread  of 
them  brought  peaceful  settlers  together  in  communities 
and  helped  to  hasten  the  establishment  of  law  and 
order.  Their  histories  are  therefore  a  part  of  the  his- 
tory of  the  country.  The  historian  who  passes  them 
over  as  mere  blood-and-thunder  tales  misses  entirely 
one  of  the  high  lights  in  the  great  adventure  of  the 
settling  of  the  Mississippi  basin. 

Owing  to  the  sparse  population  and  the  great  dis- 


Purpose  of  this  Narrative  15 

tances  between  settlements  in  the  West,  the  early 
accounts  of  these  criminals  and  their  crimes  were  sub- 
ject to  change  and  to  the  effects  of  terrorizing  rumor. 
In  time  the  deeds  of  one  would  be  attributed  to  another, 
and  the  circumstances  of  one  crime  confounded  with 
others.  In  the  main,  however,  tradition  preserved  a 
generally  consistent  story.  Here  and  there  men  like 
James  Hall  and  the  editors  of  early  newspapers  pre- 
served accounts  of  them  and  so  blazed  the  way  to  court 
records  and  approximated  the  dates  for  private  archives 
to  be  consulted.  The  pages  that  follow  contain  the 
result  of  years  of  patient  investigation  of  these  records 
and  of  archives  that  have  never  been  published. 

Numbers  in  brackets  inserted  in  the  text  refer  to  the 
authorities  as  numbered  in  the  bibliography. 

Otto  A.  Rothert 

Louisville,  Kentucky,  March  17,  1923. 


The  Lair  of  the  Outlaws 

Nature  has  set  her  own  seal  of  wonder  and  immortal- 
ity upon  some  of  her  works.  The  cavern  of  Cave-in- 
Rock,  on  the  northern  bank  of  the  lower  Ohio  River, 
bears  such  a  seal.  Lacking  the  adventitious  aids  of 
immensity,  depth,  and  remoteness,  it  was  regarded  with 
religious  interest  in  the  vague  traditions  of  the  aborig- 
ines, and  has  excited  the  curiosity,  aroused  the  imagina- 
tion and  stirred  the  fear  of  white  men  since  they  first 
discovered  it.  The  Cave  has  been  at  once  noted  and 
notorious,  famous  and  infamous,  and  it  remains  today, 
through  all  the  changing  years  and  diversities  of  its 
use,  actual  or  attributed,  practically  unchanged,  still 
challenging  curiosity,  surprise,  fear,  and  admiration. 

The  scenery  above  and  below  the  Cave  attracted  the 
attention  of  the  earliest  western  travelers.  Much  defor- 
estation has  taken  place  during  the  past  century,  but  the 
landscapes  along  the  banks  of  that  section  of  the  Ohio 
stand  today,  as  they  did  in  the  olden  days,  unsurpassed 
by  any  other  along  the  river's  course.  The  mouth  of 
the  Cave  is  in  a  high  bluff  overlooking  the  Ohio,  which 
is  the  central  link  in  a  chain  of  majestic  landscapes.  It 
seems  almost  a  paradox  that  a  spot  so  beautified  by 
nature  should  have  been  made  the  headquarters  of  out- 
laws, and  the  scene  of  much  that  was  hideous  in  crime. 

Pioneers  in  the  West  were  likely  at  any  time  to 
encounter  wild  animals  or  to  be  forced  to  battle  with 
plundering  or  revenge-seeking  Indians.  Whether  trav- 
eling overland  trails  or  upon  navigable  streams,  the 


1 8  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

first-comers  in  the  middle  West  were  always  in  danger 
of  highway  robbers  or  river  pirates.  The  cruelest  of  all 
highwaymen  were  the  Harpes  and  the  shrewdest  of  the 
river  pirates  were  the  Masons. 

Cave-in-Rock's  history  as  a  rendezvous  of  outlaws 
does  not  begin  until  about  1795.  The  date  of  the  dis- 
covery by  white  men  has  not  been  ascertained.  The 
earliest  record  found  is  in  The  History  of  New  France, 
by  Charlevoix,  in  1744.  It  includes  Bellin's  Map  of 
Louisiana  presenting  the  general  course  of  the  Ohio, 
drawn  from  observations  made  by  M.  de  Lery.  When 
this  explorer  came  down  the  river  in  1729  he  noted  the 
location  of  the  Cave  by  referring  to  it  as  "Caverne  dans 
le  Roc."  After  1778  it  is  indicated  on  many  English 
and  American  maps.  Early  travelers  designated  it  by 
various  names,  each  of  which,  except  "House  of  Na- 
ture," contained  the  word  "cave."  Since  1800,  Cave- 
in-Rock  has  been  practically  the  only  name  applied. 

The  early  French  called  the  Ohio  "La  Belle  Ri- 
viere." In  the  days  of  primeval  forests  it  was  one  of 
the  most  beautiful  streams  in  the  world.  Evidences  of 
its  former  grandeur  are  nowhere  so  well  retained  as  in 
the  neighborhood  of  Cave-in-Rock.  The  last  of  the 
giants  of  the  forests  standing  on  the  bluffs  and  in  the 
bottoms  along  the  river  will  some  day  disappear,  but 
Cave-in-Rock  will  defy  time  and  its  changes,  and  ever 
stand  as  a  reminder  of  the  days  when  wilderness  was 
king. 

Cave-in-Rock  is  in  Hardin  County,  Illinois,  about 
twenty  miles  below  Shawneetown  and  twenty  miles 
above  Golconda,  or  about  eighty-five  miles  below 
Evansville,  Indiana,  and  fifty  miles  above  Paducah, 
Kentucky.  It  is  about  two  and  one-half  miles  below 
Ford's  Ferry  and  a  half  mile  above  the  village  of  Cave- 


Lair  of  the  Outlaws  19 

in-Rock.  Its  position  commands  a  long  view  up  and 
down  the  Ohio  River.  It  has  a  large  and  dark  tunnel- 
like opening  extending  into  a  gray  limestone  bluff 
which  is  partly  hidden  by  shrubbery  and  small  trees. 
Whether  one  sees  it  while  passing  in  a  boat  or  ap- 
proaching it  from  the  shore  the  view  invariably  stirs  the 
beholder.  It  has  the  appearance  of  a  large  arched 
crypt,  imbedded  in  solid  rock.  It  is  a  "house"  built  by 
Nature,  and  is  as  solid  as  Gibraltar.  It  is  sphynx-like 
in  its  silence,  and  bewilders  those  who  enter. 

The  mouth  is  an  arched  opening,  semi-elliptical  in 
form,  about  fifty-five  feet  wide  at  the  base.  The  cavern 
extends  back  horizontally  one  hundred  and  sixty  feet 
with  an  almost  uniform  width  of  forty  feet.  The  walls 
and  roof,  which  change  to  more  or  less  of  an  ellipse 
near  the  mouth,  again  change  near  the  center  into  a 
semi-ellipse  and  retain  that  curvature  to  the  end.  The 
ceiling  is  horizontal  throughout  its  length,  while  the 
floor,  beginning  about  seventy-five  feet  from  the  en- 
trance, gradually  inclines  upward  toward  the  rear,  and 
at  the  extreme  end  comes  within  a  few  feet  of  the 
arched  ceiling.  At  this  end  there  is  a  hole  large  enough 
to  permit  a  man  to  climb  out  into  a  sinkhole  in  the 
surface  above.  The  upward  incline  of  the  floor  in  the 
rear  is  due  to  a  deposit  of  earth,  washed  there  during 
the  past  half-century  by  water  coming  down  through 
the  sinkhole  during  heavy  rains.  Near  the  middle  of 
the  ceiling  are  two  perpendicular  crevices  with  an  aver- 
age width  of  less  than  a  foot,  extending  across  and 
beyond  the  Cave,  and  upward  to  within  about  fifteen 
feet  of  the  surface  of  the  cliff.  One  of  these  narrow 
crevices  has,  near  the  center,  a  chimney-like  opening 
sufficiently  large  to  admit  a  man.  It  leads  to  a  rough- 
walled  enlargement  about  four  feet  wide  and  ten  feet 


20  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

high.  This  small  place  is  known  as  the  "upper  cave," 
and  has  a  history  and  fiction  of  its  own. 

In  the  lower  part  of  what  may  be  designated  the 
lower  lip  of  the  mouth-like  opening  is  a  large,  level, 
wedge-shaped  space  about  five  feet  lower  than  the  floor 
of  the  Cave.  At  its  outer  extremity  this  wedge-shaped 
space  is  almost  as  wide  as  the  mouth  itself,  but  rapidly 
tapers  inward  to  a  width  of  about  four  feet.  It  then 
continues  back  into  the  mouth  about  twenty-five  feet 
through  the  solid  rock,  in  the  form  of  an  excavated 
channel  or  passage  about  three  and  one-half  feet  wide. 
This  narrow  channel,  about  five  feet  deep  at  the  begin- 
ning, inclines  upward  until  it  reaches  the  general  level 
of  the  floor  of  the  Cave.  The  top  of  the  rock  on  either 
side  of  the  excavation  is  level  and  resembles  a  platform. 
These  two  platforms  or  stage-like  floors  extend  inward 
and,  like  the  inclined  passage,  soon  reach  the  general 
level  of  the  Cave.  This  excavated  channel  and  the  part 
of  the  wedge-shaped  space  from  which  it  leads  may 
have  been  made  by  men,  but  whether  by  Indians  or 
early  whites  is  not  known.  It  may  possibly  be  the 
result  of  erosion. 

At  a  normal  stage  of  the  river  the  mouth  of  the  Cave 
is,  measured  in  the  perpendicular,  about  half-way  be- 
tween the  top  of  the  bluff  and  the  water's  edge.  In 
spring  the  river  frequently  comes  up  to  within  a  few 
feet  of  the  opening.  When  the  water  is  extremely  high 
it  enters;  during  great  floods  there  is  ample  depth  to 
row  a  skiff  the  entire  length  of  the  Cave. 

Such  is  Cave-in-Rock  today,  and  such  it  was  in  pio- 
neer times,  except  that  in  the  rear  a  deposit  of  earth  had 
not  been  washed  in,  and  that  large  trees,  which  stood  in 
front  of  the  mouth  and  hid  or  partly  concealed  it,  have 
long  since  disappeared.    It  was  an  ideal  lair  for  river 


Of  THE 
UMVtHSlTY  OF  ILU! 


Lair  of  the  Outlaws  23 

outlaws;  it  furnished  shelter  and  gave  them  every 
advantage  over  passing  travelers. 

In  March,  1766,  John  Jennings,  a  Philadelphia  mer- 
chant, going  down  the  Ohio  with  a  cargo  of  goods  for 
Fort  de  Chartres,  Illinois,  notes  in  his  Journal  that  he 
stopped  for  an  hour  near  "a  large  rock  with  a  cave  in 
it,"  some  twenty-five  miles  below  the  mouth  of  the 
Wabash  River.  The  earliest  record  of  a  homeseeking 
pioneer  who  came  to  the  Cave-in-Rock  country  and 
there  began  an  overland  trip  into  Illinois  dates  back  to 
about  1780,  when  Captain  Nathaniel  Hull,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, appeared  at  what  later  became  Ford's  Ferry. 
"He  and  several  other  young  men,"  writes  Governor 
John  Reynolds  in  his  Pioneer  History  of  Illinois, 
"descended  the  Ohio  to  a  point  near  Ford's  Ferry  on 
that  river  [for  a  while  known  as  Hull's  Landing  and 
later  as  Robin's  Ferry]  and  came  across  by  land  to  Kas- 
kaskia  ...  At  this  day  the  Indians  were  not  hostile  as 
afterwards,  so  that  Hull  and  party  escaped  through  the 
wilderness  without  injury."  Nor  had  any  white  man  as 
yet  practiced  piracy  on  the  lower  Ohio. 

Victor  Collot,  a  French  engineer,  is  one  of  the  first 
writers  who  stopped  at  the  Cave  and  published  a  brief 
description  of  it.  He  knew  of  its  existence  long  before 
he  arrived,  for  his  book,  A  Journey  in  America,  shows 
that  he  had  planned  to  stop  at  the  "Big  Cave,"  and  did 
so  in  the  summer  of  1796  when  he  went  down  the  river 
to  New  Orleans. 

A  few  months  later  the  place  was  visited  by  Andrew 
Ellicott,  then  on  his  way  to  Natchez  for  the  purpose  of 
determining  the  boundary  line  between  the  United 
States  and  Spain.  An  entry  in  his  Journal,  dated  De- 
cember 15,  1796,  shows  he  "dined  at  the  Great  Cave 
.  .  .  one  of  the  greatest  natural  curiosities  on  the 
river." 


24  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

On  April  16,  1797,  Francis  Baily,  the  English  astron- 
omer, stopped  there.  His  Journal  of  a  Tour  in  the 
Unsettled  Parts  of  North  America  contains  a  few  pages 
on  the  "Big  Cave."  Among  other  things  he  says,  "its 
entrance  was  on  a  landing-place.  It  had  somewhat  the 
appearance  of  an  immense  oven.  We  entered  it  and 
found  the  sides  very  damp  .  .  .  We  beheld  a  number 
of  names  cut  in  the  sides  of  the  cave,  which  in  this  soli- 
tary place,  and  cut  of!  as  we  were  from  society,  gave  us 
a  degree  of  pleasure  to  look  over."  Baily  apparently 
heard  of  no  outlaws  during  his  short  stay.  This  prob- 
ably was  due  to  the  fact  that  his  visit  was  made  at  a 
time  when  the  Cave  was  very  damp,  as  is  frequently  the 
case  in  spring.  Had  he  appeared  later,  he  might  not 
have  survived  to  tell  of  his  interesting  travels  in  Amer- 
ica, for  during  the  greater  part  of  the  year  1797  the 
place  was  occupied  by  the  notorious  Mason  family. 

Perrin  du  Lac,  in  his  Travels  through  the  two  Loui- 
sianasj  writes  that  he  embarked  at  Pittsburgh,  April 
22,  1802,  "in  a  pirogue  thirty  feet  long  and  three  feet 
broad"  and  that  a  few  weeks  later  he  stopped  at  the 
Cave.  He  says  "it  is  considered  one  of  the  greatest 
natural  curiosities  in  North  America." 

The  first  detailed  description  of  Cave-in-Rock  ever 
printed,  as  far  as  now  known,  appeared  in  one  of  the 
earliest  editions  of  Zadok  Cramer's  The  Ohio  and  Mis- 
sissippi Navigator  and  was  republished  in  the  appen- 
dix of  Journal  of  a  Tour,  1805,  by  Thaddeus  M.  Har- 
ris without  credit  to  Cramer. 

Thomas  Ashe,  an  unreliable  English  traveler,  wrote 
an  account  of  Cave-in-Rock  shortly  after  the  Cramer 
or  the  so-called  Harris  description  was  published,  and 
at  a  time  when  reports  of  some  of  the  early  robberies 
that  had  been  committed  there  were  still  in  fresh  cir- 


Lair  of  the  Outlaws  25 

culation.  His  book  entitled  Travels  in  America  per- 
formed in  1806,  contains  a  chapter  of  fabrications 
headed  "Cave  in  the  Rock,  Ohio  Bank,  September, 
1806." 

In  July,  1807,  Christian  Schultz,  then  a  young  man, 
started  from  Pittsburgh  down  the  Ohio  in  a  rlatboat. 
He  arrived  at  "The  Cave  in  the  Rock"  about  October 
1,  continued  his  trip  to  New  Orleans,  and  returned,  via 
ship,  to  New  York.  In  his  Travels  on  an  Inland  Voy- 
age he  devotes  a  few  pages  to  the  Cave,  saying,  among 
other  things: 

"It  is  a  very  curious  cavern  ...  I  could  not  help 
observing  what  a  very  convenient  situation  this  would 
be  for  a  hermit,  or  for  a  convent  of  monks.  .  .  I  have 
no  doubt  that  it  has  been  the  dwelling  of  some  person 
or  persons,  as  the  marks  of  smoke  and  likewise  some 
.wooden  hooks  affixed  to  the  walls  sufficiently  prove. 
Formerly,  perhaps,  it  was  inhabited  by  Indians;  but 
since,  with  more  probability,  by  a  gang  of  that  banditti, 
headed  by  Mason  and  others,  who,  a  few  years  ago, 
infested  this  part  of  the  country  and  committed  a  great 
number  of  robberies  and  murders  .  .  ." 

Fortesque  Cuming,  an  unprejudiced  Englishman, 
wrote  in  his  Tour  to  the  Western  Country  that  the  Cave 
is  "one  of  the  finest  grottoes  or  caverns  I  have  ever 
seen."  This  interesting  traveler,  in  January,  1807,  pro- 
ceeded to  Maysville,  Kentucky,  by  boat,  and  from  there 
made  horseback  trips  to  central  Kentucky  and  Ohio. 
Returning  to  Pittsburgh,  he  started,  on  May  7,  down 
the  Ohio  in  a  flatboat  for  New  Orleans.  From  old 
Bruinsburg,  a  few  miles  above  Natchez,  he  visited  old 
Greenville.  In  this  town  about  three  years  before,  one 
of  the  Cave-in-Rock  outlaws  had  been  convicted  under 
unusual  circumstances  and  hanged  and  buried  in  an 


26  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

unusual  manner.  When  traveling  by  boat  Cuming  al- 
ways carried  a  few  skiffs  in  order  to  get  ashore  more 
easily.  On  May  18,  1807,  a  few  minutes  after  passing 
the  head  of  Cave-in-Rock  Island,  he  landed  at  what  is 
known  as  Cave  Spring,  a  cave-like  opening  a  few  hun- 
dred yards  above  Cave-in-Rock  from  which  a  strong 
spring  of  water  constantly  flows.  This  crevice  in  Cave- 
in-Rock  bluff  is  about  nine  feet  high,  three  feet  wide, 
and  extends  back  some  forty  feet.  Cuming  at  first  mis- 
took it  for  the  famous  Cave,  as  has  been  done  by  more 
than  one  traveler  since  his  day.  In  his  sketch  pertain- 
ing to  his  visit  to  Cave-in-Rock  he  writes : 

"Rowing  along  shore  [below  Cave  Spring]  with  the 
skiff,  we  were  soon  undeceived  as  to  that's  being  the 
Rocking  Cave,  as  a  third  of  a  mile  lower  down,  one  of 
the  finest  grottoes  or  caverns  I  have  ever  seen  opened 
suddenly  to  view,  resembling  the  choir  of  a  large 
church  as  we  looked  directly  into  it.  We  landed  im- 
mediately under  it  and  entered  it.  It  is  natural,  but  it 
is  evidently  improved  by  art  in  the  cutting  of  an  entrance 
three  feet  wide  through  the  rock  in  the  very  center, 
leaving  a  projection  on  each  hand,  excavated  above  to 
the  whole  breadth  of  the  cavern,  the  projections  re- 
sembling galleries  ...  It  is  crowned  by  large  cedars, 
and  black  and  white  oaks,  some  of  which  impend  over, 
and  several  beautiful  shrubs  and  flowers,  particularly 
very  rich  columbines,  are  thickly  scattered  all  around 
the  entrance  .  .  .  Standing  on  the  outside,  the  appear- 
ance of  some  of  the  company  at  the  inner  end  of  the 
cave  was  truly  picturesque,  they  being  diminished  on 
the  eye  to  half  their  size,  and  removed  to  three  times 
their  real  distance. 

"There  is  a  perpendicular  rocky  bluff  just  opposite 
the  lower  end  of  Cave  Island,  about  two  hundred  yards 


Lair  of  the  Outlaws  27 

above  the  Cave,  where  the  river  narrows  to  less  than 
half  a  mile  wide,  forming  a  fine  situation  for  fortifica- 
tion." 

Thomas  Nuttall  probably  was  the  last  distinguished 
traveler  who  came  down  the  Ohio  in  a  flatboat  and 
commented  on  the  Cave.  In  his  Journal  of  Travels 
into  the  Arkansa  Territory  he  states  that  he  and  his 
party  left  Shawneetown  December  14,  181 8.  After 
floating  a  short  distance  they  came  up  with  three  other 
flatboats  and,  lashing  them  together,  proceeded  upon 
an  all-night  journey.  He  further  comments:  "The 
river  is  here  very  wide  and  magnificent  and  chequered 
with  many  islands.  The  banks  of  Battery  Rock,  Rock- 
in-Cave,  and  other  places  are  bold  and  rocky  with 
bordering  cliffs.  The  Occidental  wilderness  appears 
to  here  retain  its  primeval  solitude;  its  gloomy  forests 
are  yet  unbroken  by  the  hand  of  man;  they  are  only 
penetrated  by  the  wandering  hunter  and  the  roaming 
savage." 

The  early  western  travelers  already  cited,  and  a  num- 
ber of  their  contemporaries  and  followers  who  saw  the 
Cave,  published  descriptions  or  references  that  agree  in 
the  main,  but  each,  in  his  own  way,  was  evidently  more 
impressed  by  certain  of  its  various  features  than  were 
some  of  the  others  who  visited  the  place.  A  few  specu- 
lated upon  it  as  an  Indian  temple  of  prehistoric  times. 
Some  commented  upon  it  from  a  geological  standpoint. 
A  number  were  especially  interested  in  the  names  they 
found  carved  on  the  walls ;  some  in  the  trees  that  grew 
around  the  opening.  Others  dwelt  upon  it  as  a  rendez- 
vous of  outlaws. 

For  what  various  purposes  the  Cave  may  have  been 
used  in  prehistoric  times  by  Mound-builders  and  Indi- 
ans, or  even  Cave  Dwellers,  is  a  question  for  archae- 


28  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

ologists  and  ethnologists.  There  is  far  less  physical 
evidence  to  indicate  a  previous  presence  of  robbers  and 
counterfeiters  than  there  is  to  prove  that  the  place  was 
inhabited  by  prehistoric  man.  A  rusty  home-made 
dagger  blade  and  a  part  of  a  counterfeiter's  mold  are 
the  only  relics  that  point  toward  the  outlaw  occupancy. 
On  the  other  hand,  five  well-defined  mound  sites  in  the 
level  fields  above  Cave-in-Rock  bluff,  and  the  many 
flint  and  stone  implements  picked  up  during  the  past 
century  in  and  near  the  Cave  indicate  beyond  doubt 
the  former  presence  of  Indians  and  Mound-builders. 
In  April,  191 8,  Robert  L.  Yeakey,  while  spading  his 
garden  on  this  bluff,  unearthed  a  carved  stone  image, 
six  inches  high  and  four  inches  wide,  weighing  two 
pounds,  six  ounces,  representing  a  man  in  squatting 
position.  The  probability  that  the  image  is  an  idol 
gives  strength  to  the  inference  that  the  Cave  was  used 
as  a  temple  some  time  in  the  prehistoric  past. 

The  mounds  are  additional  evidence  to  this  effect. 
These  were  opened  many  years  ago  and  have  since  been 
plowed  over  often.  Each  contained,  it  is  said,  from 
five  to  ten  human  skeletons.  The  bodies  had  been 
placed  in  a  stone-walled  sepulcher  that  was  covered 
with  flags  of  stone  a  few  inches  thick,  over  which  a  cir- 
cular mound  of  earth  was  thrown.  The  fact  that  each 
of  these  mounds  contained  a  number  of  skeletons,  ap- 
parently placed  there  at  one  time,  leads  many  to  the 
conclusion  that  a  battle,  or  battles,  must  have  been 
fought  in  or  near  the  Cave  and  that  all,  or  some,  of  the 
dead  were  buried  together.  Scientists  advance  a  plaus- 
ible explanation  of  this :  "We  know  not  if  these  burials 
indicate  famine,  pestilence,  war,  or  unholy  sacrifice. 
We  can  only  conjecture  that  they  were  not  graves  of 
persons  who  had  died  a  natural  death."     Because  of 


Lair  of  the  Outlaws  29 

the  Cave's  temple-like  form  and  its  proximity  to  these 
old  mounds,  it  appears  more  probable  that  they  were 
erected  in  connection  with  the  ceremony  of  "unholy 
sacrifice"  than  for  any  of  the  three  other  suggested 
causes. 

The  Harris  description  of  the  Cave,  written  about 
1803,  refers  to  it  as  "the  habitation  of  the  Great  Spirit." 
Some  thirty  years  later,  Edmund  Flagg,  in  The  Far 
West,  written  after  his  visit  to  "Rock-Inn-Cave,"  says: 
"Like  all  other  curiosities  of  Nature,  this  cavern  was, 
by  the  Indian  tribes,  deemed  the  residence  of  a  Manito, 
or  spirit,  evil  or  propitious,  concerning  whom  many  a 
wild  legend  yet  lives  among  their  simple-hearted  pos- 
terity. They  never  pass  the  dwelling  place  of  the 
divim.y  wiihjut  discharging  their  guns  (an  ordinary 
'mark  of  respect)  or  making  some  other  offering  pro- 
pitiatory of  his  favor." 

From  official  records  we  learn  that  the  section  of  the 
country  in  which  Cave-in-Rock  is  embraced  was  sold, 
in  1803,  to  the  United  States  by  the  Kaskaskia  tribe. 
In  181 8,  when  the  sale  was  confirmed  by  the  same  Indi- 
ans and  the  three  other  tribes  then  constituting  the  Illi- 
nois confederacy,  it  became  unchallenged  government 
property.  Thus,  when  the  Masons,  the  Harpes,  and 
other  early  outlaws  held  forth  there,  it  was  still  in  the 
Indians'  territory. 

From  a  geological  standpoint,  the  Cave  is  evidently 
nothing  more  than  a  prosaic  hole  in  a  limestone  bluff. 
In  neither  the  main  cave  nor  the  crevices  above  are 
there  any  stalactites  or  stalagmites,  but  an  incrustation 
resembling  such  a  formation  occurs  here  and  there  on 
the  walls.  In  181 8,  Henry  R.  Schoolcraft,  in  his  Per- 
sonal Memoirs,  says:  "The  cave  itself  is  a  striking  ob- 
ject for  its  large  and  yawning  mouth,  but  to  the  geol- 


30  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

ogist  presents  nothing  novel."  Collot,  in  1796,  ex- 
pressed the  opinion  that  "it  is  an  excavation  made  in  the 
rocks  by  the  continual  beating  of  the  flood."  In  a  Re- 
port published  in  1866,  A.  H.  Worthen,  director  of  the 
Geological  Survey  of  Illinois,  states  that  "the  limestone 
(St.  Louis  limestone)  is  quite  cherty  and  the  Cave  has 
probably  been  formed  by  the  action  of  water  percolat- 
ing through  crevices  of  the  rock  and  by  the  eroding 
influences  of  the  atmosphere."  Neither  of  these  ex- 
planations is  satisfactory.  No  other  has  been  found. 
Cave-in-Rock  has  the  appearance  of  a  section  of  a  large 
cave  that  was  formed  by  an  underground  stream  in 
some  remote  geological  age,  and  later  disconnected,  by 
upheavals,  from  the  other  parts  of  the  subterranean 
passage.  Some  of  the  other  parts  may  still  exist.  Sul- 
phur Springs  Cave,  four  miles  southwest  of  Equality, 
may  be  one.  Bigsby  Cave,  eight  miles  north  of  Cave- 
in-Rock,  may  be  another.  Hardin  County  is  be- 
sprinkled with  many  sinkholes,  the  outlets  of  which  are 
unknown.  The  "Big  Sink,"  four  miles  north  of  the 
Cave,  covers  about  one  hundred  acres.  Cave-in-Rock 
may  have  been  an  outlet  for  some  of  these  sinkholes 
until  upheavals  made  such  drainage  impossible. 

In  early  days  the  virgin  forests  retarded,  to  a  great 
extent,  the  water  of  the  heavy  rains,  and  as  a  result 
floods  were  less  frequent  and  less  severe.  It  is  probable 
that  when  Cave-in-Rock  and  the  country  about  were 
covered  with  trees  the  place  was  damper  than  now,  for 
the  water  then  slowly  seeped  down  from  the  tree-cov- 
ered surface.  Nevertheless,  it  was  sufficiently  dry  to 
serve  as  a  good  shelter  not  only  for  outlaws,  who  fre- 
quently occupied  it,  but  also  for  men  and  women  going 
down  the  river  in  flatboats. 

Today  it  is  comparatively  dry,  except  during  the 


Lair  of  the  Outlaws  31 

spring  and  shortly  after  a  heavy  rain.  Practically  all 
the  water  running  through  the  Cave  now  comes  from  a 
narrow  crevice  in  the  rear,  which  drains  a  small  sink- 
hole in  the  surface.  Through  this  opening,  as  already 
stated,  much  soil  has  been  deposited  in  the  back  part  of 
the  Cave  during  the  past  fifty  years.  Nature  has  made 
practically  no  changes  in  the  Cave  itself  since  its  dis- 
covery by  white  men,  but  the  landscape  has  been  af- 
fected by  the  removal  of  the  large  trees  that  once 
shaded  its  mouth.  A  decrepit  sycamore,  an  ash  or  two, 
a  few  small  maple  trees,  some  scrub  cedars,  and  some 
Virginia  creeper  constitute  the  only  vegetation  now 
growing  around  the  opening. 

The  travelers  who  visited  Cave-in-Rock  in  flatboat 
days  gave  the  place  more  time  and  thought  than  did 
those  who  appeared  after  the  introduction  of  steam- 
boats. The  New  Orleans,  or  Orleans,  which  was 
the  first  steam-propelled  boat  to  make  a  trip  from 
Pittsburgh  to  New  Orleans,  passed  it  in  181 1.  Not 
until  fully  five  years  thereafter  was  the  practicability  of 
navigating  the  Ohio  by  steamboats  satisfactorily  de- 
monstrated. Local  tradition  has  it  that  the  James 
Monroe,  coming  down  in  1816,  was  the  first  steamboat 
to  land  at  the  Cave.  Thomas  Nuttall,  who  appeared 
on  the  scene  two  years  later,  was,  as  already  stated,  one 
of  the  last  distinguished  men  who  floated  down  the 
river  in  a  flatboat  and  commented  on  the  place.  Lei- 
sure was  an  inseparable  feature  of  flatboat  travel.  With 
the  coming  of  steamboats  the  lingering  of  travelers 
along  the  river  became  a  thing  of  the  past.  After  1820 
comparatively  few  boats  of  any  kind  stopped  at  the 
Cave.  Boats  became  more  numerous,  but  whether  pro- 
pelled by  steam  or  oars,  they  traveled  not  only  faster 
but  through  a  country  rapidly  increasing  in  population, 


32  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

and  passengers  and  crew  stopping  in  this  section  found 
better  shelter  elsewhere.  But  Cave-in-Rock  was  ever 
pointed  out  as  a  place  that  "in  days  gone  by"  had  been 
the  den  of  flatboat  robbers.  Counterfeiters  and  other 
outlaws,  however,  operated  in  the  neighborhood  until 
as  late  as  1832. 

The  earliest  record  of  a  professional  artist  making  a 
sketch  of  the  Cave  dates  back  to  May,  18 19,  when  Ma- 
jor Stephen  H.  Long  came  down  the  Ohio  on  the 
steamer  Western  Engineer,  on  his  way  to  his  Rocky 
Mountains  exploring  expedition.  In  his  notes  on 
"Cave-Inn-Rock  or  House  of  Nature"  he  gives  a 
description  of  the  Cave,  and  says  that  Samuel  Seymour, 
the  official  artist  of  the  expedition,  "sketched  two  views 
of  the  entrance."  Edwin  James's  account  of  this  expe- 
dition contains  many  of  Seymour's  pictures,  but  none  of 
places  east  of  the  Mississippi.  Efforts  made  in  Wash- 
ington to  locate  his  original  sketches  were  without  suc- 
cess. 

Edmund  Flagg,  a  traveler,  journalist,  and  poet,  who 
lived  the  greater  part  of  his  life  in  Louisville  and  St. 
Louis,  spent  a  short  time  at  the  Cave  in  1836,  while  on 
a  steamboat  trip  gathering  material  for  his  book,  The 
Far  West.  He  gives  some  of  the  history  of  the  outlaws 
of  "Cave-Inn-Rock"  and  then  describes  the  Cave  and 
the  Island.  He  says  the  place  furnishes  "a  scene  of 
natural  beauty  worthy  an  Inman's  pencil"  and  that  "if 
I  mistake  not  an  engraving  of  the  spot  has  been  pub- 
lished: a  ferocious-looking  personage,  pistol  in  hand, 
crouched  at  the  entrance,  eagerly  watching  a  descend- 
ing boat." 

Maximilian,  Prince  of  Wied-Neuwied,  writes  May 
19,  1833:  "We  embarked  on  the  Paragon  steamboat  at 
Shawneetown  .  .  .  and    after    passing    Cave-in-Rock 


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Lair  of  the  Outlaws  35 

Island,  a  long  wooded  island,  we  glided  past  Cave-in- 
Rock,  a  cavern  which  has  been  drawn  by  Lesueur." 
Lesueur's  drawing  was  made  about  1825.  It  is  an  in- 
terior view  looking  out  over  the  river  and  conveys  a 
good  idea  of  the  Cave's  size  and  form.  However,  the 
opening  to  the  small  upper  cavity  and  the  leaning  pole 
for  climbing  into  it  are  placed  a  little  too  far  to  the 
left.1 

Maximilian  was  accompanied  by  his  artist,  Charles 
Bodmer,  who,  during  the  course  of  his  travels  in  North 
America,  made  eighty-one  pictures,  all  of  which  were 
published  in  1843  in  the  Maximilian  Atlas.  Most  of 
these  drawings  pertain  to  the  life  of  the  Indians  of  the 
Upper  Missouri,  and  stand  today  as  the  first  and  best 
record  of  the  costumes  of  these  tribes.  Among  the  sub- 
jects presented  is  his  Cave-in-Rock  picture,  one  of  the 
two  early  views  of  the  Cave  now  available.  Bodmer 
probably  drew  it  from  memory.  It  shows  a  landscape 
interesting  in  itself,  but  it  is  an  absolutely  misleading 
presentation  of  the  actual  scene.  From  no  point  or 
angle  does  the  view  appear  as  drawn  by  him,  or  even 
suggest  such  a  scene.  By  the  ordinary  working  of 
nature  no  such  changes  could  have  been  brought  about 
in  many  centuries.  The  mouth  of  the  Cave  is  near  the 
lower  end  of  a  long  bluff  of  almost  uniform  height  and 
opposite  the  lower  end  of  Cave-in-Rock  Island.  A 
camera  picture  of  the  lower  end  of  this  bluff,  made  in 
1917,  appears  among  the  illustrations  in  this  book. 
Bodmer's  view  places  the  opening  in  a  short  bluff  that 

1  Charles  Alexander  Lesueur  (1778-1857)  French  naturalist  and  artist, 
was  a  member  of  Robert  Dale  Owen's  communal  colony  at  New  Harmony, 
Indiana,  forty  miles  northeast  of  the  cave.  His  drawing  of  Cave-in-Rock  has 
never  been  published  except  in  a  doctoral  thesis  by  Mme.  Adrien  Loir 
entitled,  Charles  Alexandre  Lesueur,  artiste  et  savant  Francais  en  Amerique 
de  1816  a  183Q',  issued  in  1920  by  Museum  d'Histoire  Naturelle,  Le  Havre. 
In  this  thesis  are  reproduced  forty  of  Lesueur's  drawings. 


36  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

is  more  or  less  cone-shaped  and  opposite  or  above  the 
head  of  an  island.  When  high  water  reaches  the  mouth 
of  the  Cave,  as  is  shown  by  Bodmer,  then  Cave-in-Rock 
Island  is  submerged  many  feet  and  its  banks  cannot 
possibly  be  seen.  This  picture  occurs  in  a  number  of 
books,  but  without  any  comments  on  its  gross  inaccu- 
racy. Some  reproducers  have  taken  the  liberty  of  add- 
ing a  setting  sun  in  the  background. 

In  1916,  J.  Bernhard  Alberts,  of  Louisville,  made  an 
impressionistic  painting  of  the  mouth  of  the  Cave.  His 
painting  is  true  to  the  scene  as  it  was  at  the  time  of  his 
visit.  He  also  drew  a  pencil  sketch  showing  a  general 
view  of  the  interior  with  the  inner  edge  of  the  mouth 
in  the  immediate  foreground,  the  artist's  point  of  view 
being  from  just  outside  the  mouth. 


Piracy  and  Rough  Life  on  the  River 

It  is  not  clear  when  Cave-in-Rock  first  became  the 
headquarters  of  the  criminals  who  flourished  on  the 
Ohio,  and  preyed  upon  primitive  commerce  and  travel 
between  Pittsburgh  and  the  Lower  Mississippi.  Shortly 
after  the  Revolution  was  under  way,  renegades  from 
eastern  communities,  corrupt  stragglers  from  the 
American  army,  and  villains  who  had  had  their  brutal 
training  in  western  wilds,  began  to  seek  in  the  Ohio 
valley  refuge  from  the  more  orderly  and  well  settled 
communities.  Samuel  Mason,  who  had  been  an  officer 
in  the  Continental  army,,  converted  the  cavern  into  an 
inn  as  early  as  1797.  While  he  occupied  the  Cave,  and 
a  few  years  thereafter,  it  was  known  as  "Cave-Inn- 
Rock."  It  was  ideally  located.  Every  passing  boat 
must  reveal  itself  to  those  in  the  Cave  who  had  a  long, 
clear  view  up  and  down  the  river.  A  lookout  could 
detect  boats  long  before  boatmen  could  perceive  the 
Cave.  The  bold  beauty  of  the  bluff  made  it  pleasant 
for  the  boats  to  run  in  near  the  sharply  shelving  shore, 
and  many  travelers  were  thus  simply  and  easily  deliv- 
ered into  the  hands  of  the  banditti.  As  an  inn,  where 
drink  and  rest  could  be  had,  it  decoyed  them ;  as  a  scene 
for  shrouded  crime  it  was  perfect. 

The  earliest  travelers  on  the  western  rivers  floated 
or  propelled  themselves  with  paddles  and  oars  in  small, 
clumsy  craft.  The  Indian  canoe  or  pirogue  was  heavy, 
but  was  managed  with  skill  by  those  accustomed  to  its 
use.    With  the  growing  stream  of  settlers  and  the  in- 


38  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

creasing  number  of  settlements  along  the  Ohio  and 
Mississippi,  there  arose  a  necessity  for  larger  craft  that 
would  bear  heavier  burdens.  This  brought  the  flatboat 
era  covering  the  period  from  1795  to  1820- that  quarter 
of  a  century  known  as  the  Golden  Age  of  Flatboating. 
During  that  era  river  piracy  was  at  its  height.  The 
lighter  boats,  pirogues,  skiffs,  and  batteaux  were  to  the 
clumsy  rafts  and  flatboats  bearing  heavy  cargoes  what 
submarines  and  torpedo  boats  have  been  to  the  heavier 
ships  in  later  warfare.  Inland  piracy  had  its  advantage 
in  using  the  small  craft  on  dark  nights  for  sudden 
descents  and  escapes. 

In  the  midst  of  this  period  the  stately  steamboat  age 
began  its  development.  It  was  inaugurated  in  181 1 
when  the  first  steam-propelled  "water-walker"  made 
its  laborious  and  astonishing  way  from  Pittsburgh  to 
New  Orleans.  By  1820  steamboats  had  become  a  de- 
pendable factor  in  traffic,  and  were,  to  river  travel, 
what  the  railroad  train  was  later  to  become  to  the  slow 
stagecoach  and  freight  wagon.  It  was  inevitable  that 
under  steamboat  influence  flatboats  of  all  types  -  arks, 
broadhorns,  Orleans  boats,  keel-boats,  and  flat-bottomed 
barges -would  follow  the  primitive  pirogues,  skiffs, 
and  batteaux  into  retirement,  except  for  neighborhood 
use.  River  piracy  waned  with  the  conditions  it  preyed 
upon,  but  not  until  about  1830  did  it  cease  utterly. 

In  society,  as  in  nature,  everything  develops  with 
opportunity  and  disappears  according  to  necessity.  In 
the  primitive  age  of  river  craft  many  travelers  were 
captured  or  killed  by  Indians  bent  on  revenge  or  pil- 
lage. These  marauders  were  sometimes  led  by  white 
renegades.  Later,  pioneers  floating  down  the  Ohio  or 
Mississippi  on  flatboats  came  in  contact  with  compara- 
tively few  savages,  but  were  exposed  to  a  far  more  dar- 


Piracy  and  Rough  Life  39 

ing  and  dangerous  enemy  in  the  form  of  river  pirates  - 
white  men,  many  of  them  descendants  of  supposedly 
civilized  European  families.  These  disappeared  as 
the  population  increased.  Then  ensued  the  reign  of 
the  more  diplomatic  river  pirates  -  the  professional 
gamblers  who,  for  a  half  century,  used  cards  and  other 
gaming  devices  as  instruments  with  which  to  rob  those 
who  ventured  into  their  society. 

Such  were  the  types  of  craft  and  men  operating  upon 
and  infesting  the  rivers  in  the  early  days.  The  country 
through  which  these  boats  moved  was  not  the  country 
we  see  today.  Changes  in  the  shapes  and  channels  of 
the  rivers  have  been  numerous,  only  the  rock-defined 
reaches  preserving  their  original  contours.  Appear- 
ances in  detail  have  greatly  changed.  The  wonderful 
unbroken  forests  are  gone.  Where  they  once  stood  are 
now  fields  and  farms  or  cut-over  forests;  every  few 
miles  there  is  a  town.  The  river  channels  once  mysteri- 
ous and  uncertain  are  now  carefully  charted. 

Early  voyageurs  going  down  the  river  had,  of  course, 
no  guides  and  there  were  no  known  marks  to  indicate 
their  approach  to  any  of  the  features  of  the  river  as  it 
wound  through  the  wild,  uninhabited  country.  The 
boatmen  who  came  afterwards  carrying  maps  rudely 
scratched,  found  them  unsatisfactory  because  of  inac- 
curacies or  lack  of  detail.  Not  until  a  handbook  was 
made  available,  after  some  years  of  careful  compilation 
of  river  features,  could  the  uninitiated  navigate  the 
large  rivers  with  any  degree  of  safety.2 

The  numerous  charts  in  The  Navigator  show  the 

2  The  first,  and  in  a  sense  the  only  standard  guide  book  of  this  kind  ever 
published,  was  Zadok  Cramer's  The  Ohio  and  Mississippi  Navigator.  It 
made  its  appearance  about  1801  and  was  followed  by  a  number  of  revised 
and  enlarged  editions  until  1824,  when  the  last  edition  was  printed.  It  was 
practically  the  only  printed  guide  for  flatboats. 


4-0  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

curves,  islands,  sandbars,  eddies,  and  channels,  and 
mark  the  location  of  towns  and  many  other  places  of 
significance.  The  accompanying  text  contains  instruc- 
tions of  value  to  the  boatman,  and  historical  data  of 
interest.  It  is  curious,  however,  that  no  section  of  either 
the  Mississippi  or  Ohio  is  designated  as  one  where  out- 
laws were  likely  to  be  encountered  -  not  even  Cave-in- 
Rock  nor  the  mouth  of  Cache  River,  which  were  long 
considered  the  most  dangerous  resorts  on  the  Ohio.  In 
every  edition  of  The  Navigator  about  a  page  is  devoted 
to  a  description  of  the  Cave  and  instructions  to  boatmen 
passing  it,  but  there  is  no  reference  to  its  grim  history. 
Zadok  Cramer  was  evidently  a  practical  man,  with  no 
eye  to  the  speculative.  It  was  not  until  1814  that  he 
added  a  few  lines  bearing  on  the  Cave's  "economic" 
history: 

"This  cavern  sometimes  serves  as  a  temporary  abode 
for  those  wanting  shelter,  in  case  of  shipwreck,  or  other 
accident,  which  happen  on  the  river  near  it.  Families 
have  been  known  to  reside  here  tolerably  comfortable 
from  the  northern  blasts  of  winter.  The  mouth  of  this 
cave  was  formerly  sheltered,  and  nearly  hid  by  some 
trees  growing  in  front  of  it,  but  the  rude  axe  has  leveled 
them  to  the  earth  and  the  cavern  is  exposed  to  the  open 
view  of  the  passenger.  Emigrants  from  the  states, 
twenty-seven  years  ago  used  to  land  here  and  wagon 
their  goods  across  the  Illinois  country,  it  not  being  more 
than  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  from  this  place  to 
Kaskaskia  on  the  Mississippi." 

The  Cave,  of  course,  had  more  than  criminal  uses. 
How  on  one  occasion  it  served  as  a  "temporary  abode 
for  those  wanting  shelter"  is  recorded  in  The  American 
Pioneer,  published  in  1842.  In  this  magazine  Dr. 
Samuel  P.  Hildreth,  under  the  title  of  "History  of  a 


Piracy  and  Rough  Life  41 

Voyage  from  Marietta  to  New  Orleans  in  1805,"  gives 
an  interesting  account  of  the  schooner  Nonpareil  and 
her  voyage  south,  based  on  data  furnished  him  by  mem- 
bers of  her  crew.  The  boat  was  built  at  Marietta  and 
started  down  the  river  April  21,  1805.  She  was  a  sea- 
going vessel  intended  to  run  on  the  lakes  near  New 
Orleans.  The  captain  doubtless  steered  his  course  by  a 
copy  of  The  Navigator.  We  quote  from  Hildreth's 
account  of  what  the  crew  found  in  1805  at  the  well- 
known  lair  of  outlaws : 

"As  the  Nonpareil  approached  near  the  mouth  of 
this  dreaded  cave,  a  little  after  twilight,  they  were 
startled  at  seeing  the  bright  blaze  of  a  fire  at  its  en- 
trance. Knowing  of  its  former  fame  as  the  den  of  a 
band  of  robbers,  they  could  not  entirely  suppress  the 
suspicion  it  awoke  in  their  minds  of  its  being  again 
occupied  for  the  same  purpose.  Nevertheless,  as  they 
had  previously  determined  not  to  pass  this  noted  spot 
without  making  it  a  visit,  they  anchored  the  schooner 
a  little  distance  from  the  shore  and  landed  in  the  skifT. 
Being  well  armed  with  pistols  they  marched  boldly  up 
to  the  cavern  where,  instead  of  being  greeted  with  the 
rough  language  and  scowling  visages  of  a  band  of  rob- 
bers, they  found  the  cave  occupied  by  smiling  females 
and  sportive  children.  A  part  of  the  women  were  busily 
occupied  with  their  spinning  wheels,  while  others  pre- 
pared the  evening  meal.  Their  suspicions  were  not, 
however,  fully  removed  by  all  these  appearances  of 
domestic  peace,  still  thinking  that  the  men  must  be 
secreted  in  some  hidden  corner  of  the  cave  ready  to 
fall  on  them  unawares.  On  a  little  further  conversa- 
tion they  found  the  present  occupants  of  the  dreaded 
cave  consisted  of  four  young  emigrant  families  from 
Kentucky  going  to  settle  in  Illinois.    The  females  were 


42  Outlaws  of  Gave-in-Rock 

yet  in  the  bloom  of  life.  Their  husbands  had  bought  or 
taken  up  lands  a  few  miles  back  from  the  river,  and 
after  moving  their  families  and  household  goods  to  this 
spot  had  returned  to  their  former  residences  to  bring 
out  their  cattle,  in  the  meantime  leaving  their  wives  and 
children  in  the  occupancy  of  the  cave  till  their  return. 

"Having  brought,  with  their  spinning  wheels  and 
looms,  an  abundance  of  flax,  the  women  spent  the 
weary  days  of  their  husbands'  absence  in  the  useful 
employment  of  spinning.  A  large  fire  in  the  mouth  of 
the  cave  gave  cheerfulness  to  the  gloomy  spot  and 
enabled  them,  at  night,  to  proceed  with  their  labors, 
while  its  bright  rays  were  reflected  upon  the  looms, 
beds,  and  household  utensils  which  lay  piled  up  along 
the  side  of  the  cave.  By  day  the  sun  afforded  them 
light,  the  mouth  of  the  cave  being  capacious  and  ele- 
vated, while  the  roof  sheltered  them  from  the  rain. 
They  were  in  daily  expectation  of  the  arrival  of  their 
husbands,  when  they  would  move  out  on  to  their  farms 
in  company. 

"A  little  conversation  soon  dissipated  all  suspicions 
of  harm  from  the  minds  of  their  visitors  .  .  .  and,  bor- 
rowing from  them  a  torch,  they  explored  the  hidden 
recesses  of  the  cave.  At  this  time  no  vestige  of  its 
former  occupants  remained  but  a  few  scattered  barrel 
staves,  and  the  traces  of  their  fires  against  the  blackened 
sides  of  the  rock.  The  walls,  even  at  that  early  day, 
were  thickly  scored  with  the  names  of  former  visitors, 
to  which  they  hastily  added  their  own,  and  thousands 
have  no  doubt  been  added  since.  Bidding  a  warm  fare- 
well to  this  singular  and  solitary  community,  they  en- 
tered their  boat,  greatly  wondering  at  the  courage  and 
confidence  of  these  lonely  females.  Their  surprise, 
however,  in  a  manner  subsided  when  they  reflected  that 


Piracy  and  Rough  Life  43 

they  were  the  daughters  of  Kentucky  and  from  the  land 
of  Daniel  Boone." 

The  Nonpareil  experienced  no  trouble  with  river 
pirates,  but  was  wrecked  during  a  storm  on  the  Mis- 
sissippi and  never  reached  her  proposed  destination. 
So,  in  one  form  or  another,  every  flatboat  and  other 
early  river  craft  suffered  more  or  less  trouble.  History 
records  many  robberies  and  other  misfortunes,  but  its 
pages  also  show  that,  notwithstanding  the  numerous 
trials  and  tribulations,  early  river  life,  rough  as  it  was, 
was  more  of  a  romance  than  a  tragedy.  Going  down 
the  Ohio  and  Mississippi  proved,  in  many  instances, 
"easy  sailing"  compared  to  the  flatboatman's  overland 
trip  north  over  the  Natchez  Trace  and  other  wilderness 
roads  infested  with  highwaymen. 

The  usual  plan  of  the  river  robbers  was  to  station  one 
or  two  of  their  men  and  women  at  some  prominent 
place  on  shore  to  hail  a  passing  boat.  These  decoys 
pleaded  to  be  taken  aboard,  claiming  they  were  alone 
in  the  wilderness  and  wished  to  go  to  some  settlement 
further  down  the  river,  or  that  they  desired  to  purchase 
certain  necessities  which  they  lacked.  If  the  boat  was 
thus  enticed  ashore,  the  crew  saw  their  cargo  unloaded, 
and  plundered,  or  beheld  their  craft  continue  its  course 
down  the  river  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  themselves 
held  as  hostages  or  murdered. 

Boat  wreckers  were  another  common  source  of  great 
danger.  Under  one  pretext  or  another  they  managed 
to  get  aboard  the  boat  and  scuttle  it  near  a  place  where 
their  confederates  were  prepared  to  make  an  attack. 
Or,  like  Colonel  Fluger,  they  waited  until  they  found 
a  boat  tied  along  the  bank  and  then  bored  holes  in  the 
bottom  or  dug  out  the  caulking.  When  the  ill-fated 
boat  began  to  sink,  the  fellow-wreckers  rushed  to  the 


44  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

rescue  and  appropriated  the  goods  for  their  own  use. 
killing  part  or  all  the  crew  if  necessary. 

Then,  as  now,  a  number  of  dangerous  channels  ex- 
isted in  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi.  They  were  desig- 
nated as  such  in  The  Navigator.  Near  the  head  of 
some  of  them  lived  reliable  settlers  who  made  it  a  busi- 
ness to  pilot  boats  through  for  pay.  Pirates  frequently 
succeeded  in  passing  themselves  off  as  trustworthy  local 
pilots.  Boats  turned  over  to  such  men  for  safe  steering 
were  usually  grounded  and  immediately  thereafter  de- 
livered into  the  hands  of  outlaws  in  waiting. 

One  of  the  dangerous  channels,  against  which  voy- 
ageurs  were  warned  by  The  Navigator,  ran  from  the 
head  of  Walker's  Bar  (a  bar  beginning  about  two  miles 
below  Cave-in-Rock)  down  to  Tower  Rock,  and  from 
there  extended  to  the  foot  of  Hurricane  Island,  a  total 
distance  of  about  eight  miles.  The  author  of  the  river 
guide,  after  devoting  considerable  space  to  directions 
for  navigating  this  channel  and  avoiding  the  Hurricane 
Bars,  adds  a  suggestion:  "Just  below  the  Cave,  on  the 
right  bank,  there  is  a  person  who  is  sometimes  em- 
ployed to  pilot  boats  through  this  serpentine  channel, 
and  it  is  better  for  a  stranger  to  pay  a  dollar  or  two  for 
this  purpose,  than  run  the  risk  of  grounding  on  either 
one  or  the  other  of  these  bars  in  low  water.  When  the 
water  is  high  there  is  no  occasion  for  a  director." 

The  outlaws  at  Cave-in-Rock  turned  to  their  ad- 
vantage the  suggestion  published  in  The  Navigator. 
About  ten  miles  above  the  Cave,  near  Battery  Rock,  or 
on  what  has  long  since  been  called  the  Jonathan  Brown 
Old  Place,  the  robbers  stationed  a  man  who  offered  to 
pilot,  for  a  small  sum,  single  boats  or  small  fleets 
through  this  "serpentine  channel."  He  explained  that 
the  person  referred  to  by  The  Navigator  as  living  "just 


Piracy  and  Rough  Life  45 

below  the  Cave"  was  out  on  a  visit  and  would  not 
return  for  a  week  or  more.  In  the  event  the  first  man 
failed,  another,  standing  ready  a  few  miles  further 
down  at  Ford's  Ferry,  offered  his  services.  The  pilot 
who  succeeded  in  being  employed  grounded  the  boat 
in  front  of  the  Cave  if,  by  the  time  he  reached  the 
place,  he  judged  the  cargo  was  worth  the  risk  and  the 
crew  could  be  overpowered.  If  more  time  was 
required,  he  guided  the  boat  to  the  head  of  Hurricane 
Island.  There  it  was  either  wrecked  or  taken  safely 
through  the  channel,  the  procedure  depending  on 
whether  or  not  he  judged  a  profitable  robbery  possible. 
Boatmen  who  declined  to  take  a  pilot  aboard  at  Battery 
Rock  or  Ford's  Ferry  were  likely,  if  the  water  was 
comparatively  low,  to  inquire  for  a  director  "just  below 
the  Cave."  The  man  procured  there,  wThether  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Cave  band  or  not,  invariably  guided  the 
boat  safely  through.  Thus  by  helping  to  maintain  one 
reputable  and  reliable  place  near  the  Cave  for  pro- 
curing the  services  of  a  pilot,  the  robbers  experienced 
little  trouble  in  trapping  the  boats  they  selected  for 
that  purpose. 

Although  most  of  the  prospective  victims  were  given 
little  consideration  until  after  they  had  come  within 
ten  or  twenty  miles  of  the  Cave,  in  a  number  of  in- 
stances the  river  pirates  began  setting  a  trap  for  a  boat 
long  before  it  arrived  at  Shawneetown. 

The  fact  that  the  victims  were  piloted  to  the  Cave  by 
certain  members  of  a  band,  or  enticed  into  the  place  by 
some  other  means  for  the  sole  purpose  of  robbery,  is 
recorded  by  many  early  writers;  none  of  them,  how- 
ever, gives  any  details.  All  authors  who  touch  on  the 
Cave's  history  publish  statements  based  on  what  other 
men  and  women  heard  other  people  had  experienced 


46  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

while  in  the  hands  of  the  outlaws.  Only  one  instance 
has  been  found  in  which  the  victim  himself  (Dr. 
Charles  H.  Webb)  recited  to  an  author  the  details  of 
how  he  was  decoyed  to  the  Cave  and  how  he  escaped 
from  the  men  then  occupying  the  place.  The  old  flat- 
boat  robbers  and  flatboat  wreckers  left  no  first-hand 
accounts  of  the  methods  they  employed. 

The  year  1788  roughly  marks  the  beginning  of  the 
big  inflow  of  settlers  into  the  region  west  of  the  Alleghe- 
nies,  also  the  beginning  of  counterfeiting  and  other 
outlawry  at  Cave-in-Rock.  Many  travelers  and  home- 
seekers  followed  the  trails  and  went  into  the  interior 
afoot,  on  horseback,  or  in  wagons ;  others  took  the  river 
to  some  river  point  and  either  settled  there,  or  pro- 
ceeded overland  to  an  inland  section.  Thus,  by  "long 
lines  of  wagons"  and  "great  fleets  of  boats"  the  middle 
West  became  settled.  In  the  meantime  many  a  small 
party  traveled  alone  over  the  trails  or  drifted  down  the 
river  in  a  single  boat  or  in  a  small  fleet,  into  the  new  and 
sparsely  populated  country,  and  became  easy  prey  for 
highway  robbers  or  river  pirates  who  were  likely  to 
appear  at  any  time  and  in  any  disguise.3 

The  earliest  connection  of  the  Cave  with  the  name  of 
any  outlaw  who  became  famous  was  in  1797,  when 
Samuel  Mason,  of  Revolutionary  fame  and  hideous 
fate,  seems  to  have  occupied  it  as  a  main  trap  for  his 
carefully  worked  out  scheme  of  river  piracy  on  a  large 

3  Conflict  with  pirates,  cut-throats,  and  counterfeiters  was  only  one  of  the 
perils  to  which  the  boatmen  were  exposed  on  their  long  and  trying  trips  into 
the  western  wilds.  Floating  ice,  heavy  winds  and  rains,  treacherous  cur- 
rents, hidden  bars,  and  large  snags  were  among  the  natural  dangers  that 
constantly  engaged  the  attention  of  the  steersman.  Many  boats,  managed  by 
careless  or  inexperienced  men,  were  overturned,  the  craft  and  cargo  dam- 
aged or  lost,  and,  as  was  frequently  the  case,  some  or  all  on  board  drowned. 
Poorly  constructed  boats  were  put  out  of  commission  after  meeting  with 
only  a  few  minor  obstacles. 


Piracy  and  Rough  Life  47 

scale.  He  erected  a  great  rude  sign  on  the  river  bank 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Cave,  proclaiming  to  every  pas- 
serby that  his  "Liquor  Vault  and  House  for  Entertain- 
ment" was  open  to  the  public.  Many  captains  and  their 
crews  and  many  flatboat  passengers  were  lured  to  it. 
After  Mason  and  his  family  left  for  the  South,  most  of 
the  succeeding  bands,  during  their  necessarily  short 
stay,  operated  a  gambling  and  drinking  place  on  the 
same  principle. 

It  was  a  common  practice  among  outlaws  frequently 
to  change  not  only  their  headquarters  but  their  names. 
While  at  Cave-in-Rock  Mason  was  also  known  as 
"Wilson."  Thomas  Ashe,  who  wrote  about  it,  prob- 
ably did  not  know  that  the  Wilson  he  described  was 
Samuel  Mason.  Among  the  various  men  who  appeared 
after  the  departure  of  Samuel  Mason,  alias  "Wilson," 
was  one  Jim  Wilson.  Whether  Jim  Wilson  was  his  real 
name  is  not  known.  However,  between  Samuel  Mason 
as  "Wilson"  and  a  later  man  known  as  "Jim  Wilson" 
there  has  been  more  or  less  confusion  for  almost  a  cen- 
tury, especially  in  tradition.  In  1897  William  Court- 
ney Watts  wrote  a  historical  romance,  Chronicles  of  a 
Kentucky  Settlement,  in  which  he  presents  James  Ford, 
of  Ford's  Ferry  notoriety,  as  "James  Wilson."  James 
Ford  was  in  no  way  connected  with  Mason  or  with 
Wilson,  but  his  presentation  under  the  fictitious  name 
of  "James  Wilson"  had  added  to  the  already  existing 
confusion. 

After  James  Ford's  death,  which  occurred  in  1833  - 
and  many  years  before  Watts  applied  the  name  of 
"James  Wilson"  to  him  -  a  writer  published  a  sketch 
of  the  career  of  one  Jim  Wilson  at  the  Cave.  This 
sketch  is  here  recapitulated,  not  as  a  story  that  can  be 
verified  in  all  its  details  by  history,  but  as  a  semi-histor- 


48  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

ical  tale  which  may  convey  a  better  idea  of  the  methods, 
life,  and  fate  of  the  Cave's  outlaws  than  formal  history. 
Only  one  who  will  make  a  study  of  the  Cave's  past- 
from  the  available  authenticated  records  down  to  some 
of  its  absurd  traditions  -  will  recognize  this  story  as  a 
picture  in  which  facts  fairly  divide  the  scene  with  fic- 
tion, and  painted  in  colors  that  bring  joy  to  the  hearts 
of  readers  of  dime  novels.  When  and  by  whom  it  was 
written  or  first  published  has  not  been  ascertained.  It 
apparently  was  not  written  before  1836,  for  the  author, 
in  his  introduction,  attempts  a  description  of  the  Cave 
as  it  appeared  that  year.  The  writer  evidently  had  read 
Thomas  Ashe's  account  published  in  1808,  and  was  also 
familiar  with  some  of  the  Cave's  printed  history  and 
oral  traditions.  The  story  was  probably  first  published 
in  an  old  magazine  or  newspaper.  In  1893  it  appeared, 
anonymously  and  without  credit,  in  the  Crittenden 
Press,  of  Marion,  Kentucky.  From  that  weekly  it  was 
copied  by  many  newspapers  in  the  lower  Ohio  Valley, 
and  is  now  preserved,  under  various  titles,  in  many  a 
scrap  book. 

This  old  story  is  interesting  because  it  was  written 
when  stories  of  the  Cave  were  still  fresh.  Inaccuracies 
and  confusions  of  names  and  dates  may  have  crept  in, 
but  it  remains  the  first  concise  and  inherently  reason- 
able account  of  how  the  Cave  was  first  occupied  as  a 
den  by  river  criminals.  In  the  presentation  of  the 
usual  method  of  the  Cave's  renegades,  it  matters  very 
little  whether  the  first  of  those  desperate  captains  of 
crime  bore  the  name  of  Wilson,  Mason,  or  Harpe.  In 
this  case  it  seems  clearly  the  story  of  Samuel  Mason 
about  1797.  The  names  they  assumed  might  vary  with 
every  flatboat  or  raft  that  passed.  An  alias  is  ever  the 
shield  of  the  criminal.    The  story  describes  not  only  a 


Piracy  and  Rough  Life  49 

method  actually  employed  by  the  Cave's  outlaws  for 
many  years,  but  also  a  method  by  which  the  career  of 
more  than  one  of  these  river  pirates  was,  as  we  shall  see 
later,  so  tragically  terminated.  The  story  runs,  as 
follows : 

"About  the  year  1809,  one  Jim  Wilson,  a  flatboatman, 
while  passing  down  the  Ohio,  was  overtaken  by  a  ter- 
rific storm.  He  steered  his  boat  under  the  shelter  of  a 
cliff.  On  landing  he  observed  the  opening  of  the  cave. 
He  was  attracted  by  the  commodious  rooms  with  dry 
ceilings  and  sanded  floors,  and  resolved  that  on  his 
return  to  Pittsburgh  he  would  bring  his  family  hither. 

"In  the  following  spring  Wilson's  boat  again  landed 
at  the  foot  of  the  cliff.  This  time  he  was  not  alone,  but 
with  him  came  his  wife,  five  children,  two  slaves,  and 
William  Hall,  the  great  counterfeiter.  His  boat  was 
loaded  with  provisions,  stores,  liquors,  and  arms,  which 
he  had  stolen  from  the  government  warehouse  at  Fort 
Pitt  on  the  night  before  his  departure.  The  great  cave 
was  soon  transformed  into  a  dwelling  and  tavern  large 
enough  to  accommodate  several  travelers. 

"Wilson's  object  for  landing  and  establishing  himself 
in  so  remote  and  romantic  headquarters  will  be  seen 
hereafter.  A  sign  was  planted  at  the  water's  edge  bear- 
ing these  words :  'Wilson's  Liquor  Vault  and  House  for 
Entertainment.'  This  novel  sign  had  a  magnetic  effect 
upon  the  boatmen  who  were  almost  daily  passing  en 
route  to  southern  markets,  with  flatboats  loaded  with 
produce.  The  boat  crews  were  generally  jovial  fel- 
lows, fond  of  rum,  rest,  and  merriment,  and  hardly  a 
boat  passed  without  stopping.  Many  were  the  guests 
at  Wilson's  Tavern;  thieves  and  gamblers  stopped  off 
here  and  in  a  few  months  the  place  became  infamous 
for  its  licentiousness  and  blasphemy. 


5<3  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

"Wilson  had  been  for  many  years  a  deep-dyed  crim- 
inal and  only  came  here  that  he  might  vary  his  crimes, 
and  have  a  wider  field  for  operation.  Out  of  his  guests 
he  soon  formed  a  band  of  the  most  noted  robbers,  mur- 
derers, and  counterfeiters  that,  for  two  years,  had  no 
parallel  in  modern  history.  Their  headquarters  were 
at  the  Cave,  but  they  had  many  stations  along  the  Ohio 
above  and  below,  which  were  maintained  for  the  pur- 
pose of  preventing  suspicion  being  cast  upon  the  genial 
landlord  at  the  Cave.  The  principal  station  was  at 
Hurricane  Island,  where  forty-five  men  were  stationed 
all  the  time. 

"Each  boat  that  landed  at  the  Cave  was  captured  and 
such  of  the  crew  as  would  not  join  Wilson's  Gang 
were  allowed  to  drift  on  to  Hurricane  Island  where 
they  were  again  captured  and  the  remainder  of  the 
crew  foully  murdered  and  their  bodies  cast  into  the 
Ohio.  With  new  pilots  and  crews  the  boats  and  cargoes 
were  taken  to  New  Orleans,  and  converted  into  cash 
which  was  conveyed  to  the  Cave  through  the  wilder- 
ness of  Kentucky  and  Tennessee. 

"Many  boats  loaded  with  valuable  cargoes  left  port 
on  the  upper  Ohio  and  its  tributaries,  under  the  guid- 
ance of  experienced  and  trustworthy  officers.  The  of- 
ficers and  crews  never  returned.  No  returns  for  sales 
were  ever  received.  It  soon  became  a  mystery  that  so 
many  honorable  men  never  came  back  to  pay  over  the 
proceeds,  and  to  tell  the  perils  of  their  voyage.  It  was 
many  months  before  any  serious  suspicions  were  cre- 
ated. After  that  it  was  found  that  the  cargoes  were 
disposed  of  by  entirely  different  crews  from  those  en- 
trusted with  them.  There  was  but  limited  postal  or 
other  communication  in  those  days  -  letters  of  special 
importance  were  carried  by  messengers  who  often  fell 


Piracy  and  Rough  Life  51 

into  the  hands  of  Wilson's  men.  Thereby  they  kept 
posted  and,  by  changing  the  communication  to  suit  their 
purposes,  and  forwarding  them  by  different  carriers, 
often  thwarted  the  attempt  of  justice,  and  kept  their 
whereabouts  enveloped  in  mystery  for  many  months. 
'But  it  is  a  long  lane  that  hath  no  turn.'  It  was  finally 
ascertained  that  no  tidings  could  be  had  of  any  boat 
after  it  had  passed  certain  points  on  the  Ohio  near 
Wilson's  Tavern. 

"A  meeting  of  the  Pittsburgh  shippers  was  called 
and  it  was  determined  to  ferret  out  the  mystery.  This 
would  be  a  shrewd  piece  of  detective  work  which 
would  be  attended  by  many  dangers.  A  large  reward 
was  offered  for  information  as  to  the  exact  location  of 
the  robber  band.  John  Waller,  a  determined  and  am- 
bitious man  of  Maysville,  Kentucky,  resolved  to  secure 
the  reward  or  perish  in  the  attempt.  He  was  furnished 
with  a  cargo  contributed  by  various  shippers  along  the 
Ohio,  and  with  five  trusted  companions  he  set  out  early 
in  the  spring  of  18 10.  They  floated  with  the  current 
many  days.  At  last  one  evening  they  came  in  sight  of 
the  Cave,  and  were  attracted  by  the  novel  sign  and  also 
the  presence  of  several  females  on  the  bank,  who  made 
gestures  for  them  to  land.  They  held  a  hasty  consulta- 
tion and  resolved  to  land ;  a  few  sweeps  of  the  steering 
oar  brought  them  to  the  foot  of  the  cliff." 

That  which  follows  this  clear  description  of  ordinary 
circumstances  is  evidently  a  mixture  of  fact  and  fiction 
that  represents  the  imaginative  style  of  the  day.  It  is 
quite  plain  that  the  author  himself  had  not  personally 
visited  the  Cave,  but  had  relied  upon  the  fictions  of 
Thomas  Ashe  or  the  reflections  from  Ashe's  account 
that  had  gained  circulation  and  belief.  He  accepts  the 
mythical  "upper  cave"  and  has  the  Cave  divided  off 


UNIVERSITY  ui- 

1UJN01S  LIBRARY 

AT  URBANA-CHAMPAIGN 


52  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

into  rooms  and  a  "council  chamber,"  no  relics  of  which 
have  ever  been  reported  by  any  matter-of-fact  observer 
from  that  time  to  this.  The  leader,  "Jim  Wilson,"  he 
converts  into  a  semi-savage  with  matted  and  tangled 
hair  and  beard,  who  is  yet  a  shrewd  trader  and  an 
orator  of  no  mean  power  for  his  day.  On  the  occasion 
of  the  initiation  of  new  recruits  Jim  Wilson  delivers  a 
romantic  and  argumentative  speech  that  is  equal  to  the 
best  fiction  of  the  times. 

The  story  narrates  graphically  how  Waller  and  his 
men  were  overawed  and  compelled,  under  fear,  to 
agree  to  join  the  robber  band ;  how  they  were  received 
into  it  with  melodramatic  ceremonies  and  then  were 
oath-bound,  but  not  fully  trusted ;  how  they  made  their 
escape  -  the  savage  and  astute  robbers  being,  of  course, 
fooled  for  the  exigencies  of  the  event;  how  the  Waller 
force  combined  with  its  waiting  reinforcements,  re- 
turned, captured  Jim  Wilson  and  then  went  to  Hurri- 
cane Island  and  destroyed  that  part  of  the  band;  and 
how  eventually  "Jim  Wilson's  head  was  severed,  his 
body  buried  .  .  .  the  head  identified  and  delivered 
to  the  proper  authorities  at  Pittsburgh  .  .  .  and  the 
captors  received  the  merited  reward."  This  last  point 
is  plainly  an  echo  of  Mason's  fate. 

This  story  of  the  activities  of  the  early  renegades  of 
civilization,  and  of  the  river  pirates  who  occupied  the 
Cave  bears  upon  its  face  the  stamp  of  truth  that  fits 
neatly  into  practically  all  traditions  from  about  1795 
to  about  1820. 

Before    Mason    became   famous,    however,    greater 

scoundrels  than  he  were  to  attract  public  attention,  and 

hold  it  for  some  years.     The  story  of  the  Harpes- 

"Big"  and  "Little"  Harpe  -  is  one  that  may  freeze  the 

blood  as  read  now  in  the  light  of  old  records  and  per- 


Piracy  and  Rough  Life  53 

sonal  accounts  that  seem  to  bring  the  reader  into  the 
very  presence  of  these  two  brutes.  In  the  security  of 
law  and  order  in  these  days  the  facts  seem  remote,  but 
when  the  sparse  settlement  of  the  West  in  1799  is  real- 
ized, and  the  further  fact  that  wilderness  hospitality 
opened  doors  to  all  travelers  and  admitted  these  mon- 
sters freely  with  good  people,  it  is  possible  then  to  con- 
ceive the  horror  their  deeds  and  presence  aroused. 


The  Harpes-A  Terrible  Frontier  Story 

The  career  of  the  two  Harpes4  in  Tennessee,  southern 
Illinois,  and  Kentucky,  particularly  Kentucky,  at  the 
close  of  the  eighteenth  century  has  rarely  been  equalled 
in  the  history  of  crime,  either  in  peace  or  war.  Its 
beginning  was  so  sudden,  its  motives  wrapped  in  such 
mystery,  its  race  so  swift,  and  its  circumstances  so  ter- 
rible and  unbelievably  brutal  as  to  justify  Collins,  the 
distinguished  historian  of  Kentucky,  in  referring  to  the 
brothers  as  "the  most  brutal  monsters  of  the  human 
race." 

At  that  time,  1798-99,  Kentucky  had  a  pioneer  popu- 
lation of  about  two  hundred  thousand,  which  was 
largely  centered  in  the  new  trading  and  agricultural 
towns  in  the  eastern  part  and  in  the  rich  bluegrass 
country.  The  remainder  of  the  state,  except  along  the 
water  courses,  was  well  nigh  a  wilderness.  In  the 
southern  and  western  portions  buffalo  grazed,  and  bear 
were  plentiful.  East  Tennessee,  where  the  scourge  of 
crime  began,  was  even  more  sparsely  settled.  This 
pioneer  population  was  vigorous,  rude,  and  accustomed 
even  to  Indian  atrocities.  Among  the  settlers  were 
many  who,  as  fugitives  from  justice,  had  deliberately 
sought  seclusion  from  the  eastern  states  because  of  crim- 
inal offenses.  The  Ohio  River  was  infested  with  inland 
pirates,  and  the  early  rivermen  themselves  were  a  rough 
and  violent  type.  Isolation  led  well-meaning  pioneers 
to  be  generous  and  confiding  to  those  whom  they  had 

4  Prior  to  about  1824  Harpe  was  spelled  Harp. 


56  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

tested,  but  to  a  great  degree  might  was  right,  and 
strangers  looked  askance  at  each  other  and  were  pre- 
pared for  the  worst. 

Yet  such  a  rude  and  hardy  people  as  these  were 
gripped  with  horror  at  the  atrocities  of  the  Harpes,  at 
their  often  unmeaning  and  unprovoked  murders.  It 
is  difficult  in  these  days  of  well  ordered  government  to 
realize  the  mysterious  terror  and  excitement  that  began 
near  Knoxville  in  1798  and  swept  through  the  wilder- 
ness to  the  borders  of  the  Mississippi,  and  across  the 
Ohio  into  Illinois  like  some  sudden,  creeping  fire  that 
breaks  out  in  underbrush,  and  grows  steadily  in  intens- 
ity and  rage  until  it  sweeps  forests  before  it.  All  this 
was,  in  a  measure,  realized  in  the  breasts  of  human  be- 
ings as  the  hideous  crimes  of  the  Harpes  increased. 

Aside  from  the  wars  and  the  recorded  importances 
of  political  development,  the  episode  of  the  Harpes  is 
the  most  astounding  event  in  the  early  life  of  the 
Middle  West.  It  engaged  the  memory  of  men  for  forty 
years,  and  the  pens  of  numerous  historians,  and  writers 
of  memoir  have  been  occupied  with  it  ever  since.  In 
the  main  the  story  has  been  well  preserved,  but  in  the 
details  there  has  been  the  variation  that  grows  with 
repetition.  The  most  dignified  historians  have  not  dis- 
dained to  seek  the  minute  details  attaching  to  the  per- 
sons and  actions  of  these  two  men  from  the  moment 
they  began  their  criminal  career  to  the  thrilling  blood- 
chase  in  which  the  older  brother  was  captured  and 
killed,  and  the  younger  escaped  into  exile  and  to  an 
even  more  dramatic  and  terrible  death. 

To  this  day  the  story  of  "The  Harpes"  and  "Harpe's 
Head"  is  told  about  firesides  in  the  Cave-in-Rock  coun- 
try, in  southern  and  western  Kentucky  and  in  eastern 


A  Terrible  Frontier  Story  57 

Tennessee.    It  has  been  perpetuated  in  folk  ballads  and 
written  by  scores  of  pens.  [93] 

It  is  the  purpose  here  to  bring  together  the  many 
threads  of  the  tale  as  they  have  been  verified  and  cor- 
rected by  original  records  sought  from  Wisconsin  to 
New  Orleans,  and  from  Knoxville  to  Cave-in-Rock 
and  the  Mississippi  River. 

Judge  James  Hall,  while  living  in  Illinois,  wrote  a 
brief  account  of  one  of  the  crimes  committed  by  these 
outlaws,  and  in  April,  1824,  published  it  in  The  Port 
Folio  of  Philadelphia.  In  his  introductory  remarks  he 
comments :  "Neither  avarice  nor  want  nor  any  of  the 
usual  inducements  to  the  commission  of  crime,  seemed 
to  govern  their  conduct.  A  savage  thirst  for  blood  -  a 
deep-rooted  enmity  against  human  nature,  could  alone 
be  discovered  in  their  actions  .  .  .  Plunder  was  not 
their  object;  they  took  only  what  would  have  been 
freely  given  them,  and  no  more  than  what  was  necessary 
to  supply  the  immediate  wants  of  nature ;  they  destroyed 
without  having  suffered  injury,  and  without  the  pros- 
pect of  benefit  .  .  .  Mounted  on  fine  horses  they 
plunged  into  the  forest,  eluded  pursuit  by  frequently 
changing  their  course,  and  appeared  unexpectedly  to 
perpetrate  new  horrors,  at  points  distant  from  those 
where  they  were  supposed  to  lurk." 

Judge  Hall,  up  to  that  time,  had  done  little  more  than 
describe  one  of  their  last  crimes,  yet  The  Cincinnati 
Literary  Gazette,  May  28,  1825,  came  out  with  a  state- 
ment admitting  that  there  may  have  been  two  outlaws 
by  the  name  of  Harpe,  but  added :  "We  have  no  hesi- 
tation in  asserting  that  their  history,  as  published  in 
The  Port  Folio,  is  unworthy  of  belief  .  .  .  The  hor- 
rible details  concerning  these  men  .  .  .  such  disgusting 


58  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

sketches  of  human  depravity  and  barbarism  manifest 
either  a  vitiated  taste  or  a  total  disregard  of  the  morals 
of  the  community." 

As  far  as  is  now  known,  at  least  two  papers  published 
in  the  month  following  came  to  the  defense  of  Judge 
Hall's  account.  The  Illinois  Gazette,  of  Shawneetown, 
among  other  things,  declared:  "The  depravity  and 
bloodshed  which  marked  their  existence  .  .  .  are  cir- 
cumstances too  strongly  impressed  upon  the  recollec- 
tions of  our  early  settlers  to  be  contradicted  at  this 
date." 

The  Columbian,  of  Henderson,  Kentucky,  in  a  half 
column  article  devoted  to  the  same  subject,  asserts: 
"The  account  published  in  The  Port  Folio  is  correct  in 
every  essential  point  .  .  .  However  it  may  be  regretted 
that  such  monsters  as  the  Harpes  ever  should  have  ex- 
isted to  disgrace  humanity,  yet  it  is  an  uncontrovert- 
ible fact."  [56] 

In  the  August,  1825,  issue  of  The  Port  Folio  Judge 
Hall  published  an  account  of  another  murder  com- 
mitted by  the  Harpes  -  the  killing  of  Thomas  Lang- 
ford,  who  was  among  their  first  victims  in  Kentucky. 
In  the  same  number  he  devotes  a  few  pages  to  a  verifi- 
cation of  the  statements  he  published  then  and  a  few 
months  previous.  And  before  half  had  been  told  about 
the  Harpes,  The  Cincinnati  Literary  Gazette  was  con- 
vinced of  its  error  in  doubting  and  disputing  the  verac- 
ity of  Judge  Hall.  Judge  Hall  wrote  several  pages 
justifying  the  publication  of  the  weird  and  wonderful 
facts  of  the  career  of  the  Harpes.  His  arguments  pub- 
lished in  1825  in  his  own  defense  hold  good  today  and 
may  be  equally  well  applied  to  the  story  of  the  Harpes 
here  given,  which,  as  far  as  is  known,  is  the  first  attempt 


A  Terrible  Frontier  Story  59 


to  compile  a  complete  history  of  these  notorious  out- 
laws: 

"If  it  is  intended  to  be  objected,  that  these  'horrid 
details/  even  if  true,  are  not  proper  for  publication  -  I 
reply,  that  whatever  tends  to  develop  the  history  or 
character  of  a  people,  is  a  legitimate  subject  of  public 
discussion.  History  to  be  of  any  value  must  be  true.  It 
must  disclose  not  only  the  truth  but  the  whole  truth. 
In  vain  would  the  historian  seek  this  in  the  frail  monu- 
ments vaguely  preserved  in  the  uncertain  legend  of  tra- 
dition. He  must  resort  to  national  records  and  to  the 
testimony  of  writers  contemporary  with  the  events 
which  he  attempts  to  describe,  and  if  the  latter  abstain 
from  the  narration  of  'disgusting  sketches  of  human 
depravity  and  barbarism,'  history  must  be  curtailed  of 
her  most  fruitful  source  of  incident,  and  men  and  na- 
tions stripped  of  their  boldest  peculiarity.  It  is  per- 
haps forgotten  that  'depravity  and  barbarism'  consti- 
tute almost  the  sole  basis  of  history,  tragedy,  and  the 
epic  song;  that  kings  and  courts  are  nothing  without 
them;  that  they  revel  amid  'the  pomp,  pride,  and  cir- 
cumstance of  glorious  war;'  and  stand  forth  in  bold 
relief  in  every  department  of  civil  subordination.  It 
is  to  be  deplored  that  such  is  the  fact;  but  while  crime 
and  folly  continue  to  predominate  in  the  affairs  of  men, 
they  will  be  found  to  swell  the  pages  of  those  who 
attempt  to  exhibit  correct  pictures  of  human  nature. 

"In  describing  the  American  backwoodsmen,  a  class 
of  men  peculiar  to  our  country,  I  have  thought  it 
proper  to  introduce  among  other  authentic  anecdotes 
the  story  of  the  Harpes.  My  object  was  to  display  as 
well  the  extraordinary  sufferings  to  which  the  earliest 
emigrants  to  the  western  country  were  exposed,  as  the 


60  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

courage  with  which  they  met  and  repelled  those  hard- 
ships." 

The  Harpes  were  believed  to  be  brothers.  They 
were  natives  of  North  Carolina.  Micajah,  known  as 
Big  Harpe,  was  born  about  1768,  and  Wiley,  known  as 
Little  Harpe,  was  born  about  1770.  Their  father  was 
said  to  have  been  a  Tory  who  fought  under  the  British 
flag  at  King's  Mountain  and  took  part  in  a  number  of 
other  battles  against  the  colonists.  Before  the  close  of 
the  Revolution  and  immediately  thereafter  many  of  the 
Tories  living  in  the  south  Atlantic  colonies  fled  toward 
the  Mississippi.  Those  who  still  sympathized  with  the 
King  of  England  and  continued  to  live  in  the  "Old 
States"  were,  in  most  sections,  ostracized  by  their  neigh- 
bors. It  was  to  this  class  that  the  parents  of  the  Harpes 
belonged ;  and  it  was,  therefore,  in  an  environment  of 
hatred  for  and  by  neighbors  that  the  two  sons  grew  up. 

About  the  year  1840  Colonel  G.  W.  Sevier,  son  of 
Governor  John  Sevier,  in  an  interview  with  Lyman  C. 
Draper,  the  historian,  stated  that  Big  Harpe,  when 
asked  shortly  before  he  was  killed  why  he  had  com- 
mitted so  many  crimes,  answered  that  he  had  been  badly 
treated  and  consequently  had  become  disgusted  with  all 
mankind.  [12G]  The  same  statement  is  made  by  J.  W. 
M.  Breazeale,  another  well-known  early  Tennesseean, 
who  had  lived  in  Knoxville  the  greater  part  of  his  life 
and  had  investigated  the  careers  of  the  outlaws. 

One  writer  attributes  their  acts  of  fiendish  inhuman- 
ity to  the  fact  that  they  believed  every  man's  life, 
whether  good,  indifferent  or  bad,  was  predestined  and 
that  the  All  Wise  had  foreordained  for  them  a  hatred 
of  humanity  and  a  career  of  crime.  [121]  Draper,  in  his 
"Sketch  of  the  Harpes,"  comments  on  the  fact  that 
"their  tawny  appearance  and  dark  curly  hair  betrayed 


A  Terrible  Frontier  Story  61 

a  tinge  of  African  blood  coursing  through  their  veins." 
Criminologists  may  or  may  not  agree  as  to  the  under- 
lying cause  of  the  great  thirst  for  blood  possessed  by 
the  Harpes,  but  the  fact  that  they  were  the  most  savage 
and  terrible  characters  in  this  period  of  American  his- 
tory cannot  be  disputed. 

About  the  year  1795  the  two  men,  accompanied  by 
Susan  Roberts  and  Betsey  Roberts,  left  North  Carolina 
for  Tennessee.  Susan  claimed  to  be  the  legal  wife  of 
Big  Harpe,  whereas  Betsey  merely  posed  as  such.  Big 
Harpe,  however,  claimed  both  women  as  his  wives. 
The  Harpes  cared  as  little  for  the  laws  of  matrimony 
as  for  any  other  laws  and  the  legality  or  illegality  of 
anything  they  did  was  a  matter  of  indifference  to  them. 
The  two  men  and  their  women  roamed  in  central 
Tennessee  about  two  years.  Most  of  their  time  was 
spent  with  a  few  stray  Creek  and  Cherokee  Indians 
who  at  the  time  were  ostracized  by  their  tribes  and 
were  committing  atrocities  against  their  own  people  as 
well  as  against  the  whites.  The  Harpes  joined  the 
savages  in  their  outrages,  and  not  only  encouraged  them 
in  their  bloody  deeds,  but  gave  them  many  demonstra- 
tions showing  to  what  extent  barbarity  could  be  prac- 
ticed. Asleep  or  awake  they  were  armed  with  toma- 
hawks and  knives  and  never  took  a  step  from  camp 
without  a  gun.  They  were  always  prepared  to  shed 
blood  for  the  satisfaction  of  shedding  it,  or  to  resist 
arrest  should  any  attempt  be  made  to  capture  them. 
They  lived  like  man-eating  animals.  The  women  as 
well  as  the  men  wore  leather  hunting  shirts  and  mocca- 
sins made  from  the  untanned  skin  of  animals  they 
killed.  They  never  wore  hats  except  in  the  coldest 
weather  and  then  used  the  kind  they  "whanged"  to- 
gether with  deer  skin  thongs.  [121] 


62  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

Some  time  during  1797  the  four  left  middle  Ten- 
nessee for  the  new  settlement  of  Knoxville.  While 
wandering  toward  the  eastern  part  of  the  state  they 
met  a  young  Methodist  preacher  named  William  Lam- 
buth,  who  was  traveling  through  the  wilderness  alone. 
They  robbed  him  and  among  his  belongings  found 
a  Bible.  In  turning  the  leaves,  looking  for  bank 
bills,  Big  Harpe  discovered  on  the  front  page,  written 
in  plain  letters  the  names  "William  Lambuth"  and 
"George  Washington."  Pointing  to  the  name  of  the 
General,  Harpe  remarked :  "That  is  a  brave  and  good 
man,  but  a  mighty  rebel  against  the  King."  The  ar- 
ticles found  in  Lambuth's  possession  convinced  the 
Harpes  that  he  was  a  preacher,  whereupon  they  re- 
turned to  him  not  only  his  Bible  but  also  the  gun,  the 
little  money,  and  the  horse  they  had  taken.  Then 
abruptly  turning  from  him  and  shouting,  "We  are  the 
Harpes,"  they  quickly  disappeared.  This  is  probably 
the  only  instance  in  the  lives  of  the  Harpes,  after  the 
beginning  of  their  murderous  career,  when  they  had 
anyone,  old  or  young,  in  their  power,  and  showed  less 
than  a  fiendish  barbarity.  [121] 

Obeying  the  principle  that  birds  of  a  feather  flock 
together,  the  Harpes,  it  seems,  were  attracted  toward 
the  new  settlement  of  Knoxville.  In  March,  1798, 
James  Weir,  on  his  way  from  South  Carolina  to  Ken- 
tucky, spent  a  few  days  in  the  town.  Writing  of  his 
short  stay  there  he  says : 

"In  the  infant  town  of  Knox  the  houses  are  irregular 
and  interspersed.  It  was  County  Court  day  when  I 
came.  The  town  was  confused  with  a  promiscuous 
throng  of  every  denomination.  Some  talked,  some 
sang,  and  mostly  all  did  profanely  swear.  I  stood 
aghast,  my  soul  shrank  back  to  hear  the  horrid  oaths 


A  Terrible  Frontier  Story  63 

and  dreadful  indignities  offered  to  the  Supreme  Gov- 
ernor of  the  Universe,  who  with  one  frown  is  able  to 
shake  them  into  non-existence.  There  was  what  I  never 
did  see  before,  viz.,  on  Sunday,  dancing,  singing,  and 
playing  of  cards,  etc.  ...  It  was  said  by  a  gentleman 
of  the  neighborhood  that  'the  Devil  is  grown  so  old  that 
it  renders  him  incapable  of  traveling  and  that  he  has 
taken  up  in  Knoxville  and  there  hopes  to  spend  the  re- 
maining part  of  his  days  in  tranquility,  as  he  believes 
he  is  among  his  friends,'  but  as  it  is  not  a  good  principle 
to  criticise  the  conduct  of  others,  I  shall  decline  it  with 
this  general  reflection,  that  there  are  some  men  of  good 
principles  in  all  places,  but  often  more  bad  ones  to 
counterbalance  them."  [109] 

The  Harpes  doubtless  felt  they  could  better  gratify 
their  thirst  for  blood  in  the  vicinity  of  a  settlement  like 
Knoxville  than  in  a  wide  wilderness  where  subjects  for 
their  cruelty  were  too  few.  They  found  a  small  tract 
of  cleared  land  on  Beaver  Creek,  about  eight  miles 
west  of  Knoxville.  Upon  this  they  built  a  log  cabin  for 
themselves,  and  a  pen  for  their  horses,  and,  in  order  to 
conceal  their  motives,  cultivated  a  few  acres  of  ground. 
Under  this  feint  of  honest  occupation  they  experienced 
no  difficulty  in  gaining  the  confidence  of  their  neigh- 
bors. In  fact,  so  easily  had  they  made  a  favorable  im- 
pression that  within  a  few  weeks  after  their  arrival 
Little  Harpe  married  Sarah  or  Sally  Rice,  a  daughter 
of  John  Rice,  a  preacher  living  about  four  miles  north 
of  the  Harpe  hut. 

In  the  meantime  the  two  brothers  made  trips  to  the 
seat  of  justice,  for  then,  as  now,  the  occasion  and  the 
desire  "to  go  to  town"  to  see  "what's  going  on"  was  a 
common  one  among  the  people  who  lived  in  the  coun- 
try.    Swapping  horses  was  then,  and  still  is  to  a  great 


64  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

extent,  one  of  the  features  of  a  day  at  the  small  court 
house  towns.  So  when,  on  one  of  their  first  trips  to 
Knoxville,  the  Harpes  brought  with  them  a  fine  three- 
year-old  mare  and  offered  to  run  her  in  a  race,  no  sus- 
picion was  aroused.  The  horse  was  apparently  superior 
to  any  other  in  town  that  day  and  no  owner  could  be 
induced  to  venture  his  quarter  nag  against  her.  A  Mr. 
Aycoff,  recognizing  the  mare  as  an  unusually  good  one, 
bought  her  and  became  so  attached  to  the  animal  that 
he  kept  her  almost  a  quarter  of  a  century.  It  is  inter- 
esting to  note  that  twenty  years  after  he  purchased  her, 
a  gentleman  from  Georgia,  visiting  near  Knoxville, 
recognized  her  as  the  filly  that  had  been  stolen  from 
him  many  years  before.  [12G] 

The  Harpes  rapidly  increased  the  number  of  their 
trips  to  town,  but  it  was  soon  noticed  that  with  each  suc- 
ceeding visit  their  supply  of  pork  and  mutton  increased. 
They  sold  this  meat  to  John  Miller,  one  of  the  most 
respected  merchants  of  Knoxville,  through  whom  the 
Harpe  hams  soon  became  well  known.  But  the  repu- 
tation of  the  two  brothers  for  drinking  and  gambling, 
and  the  disturbances  they  raised  in  the  village  were 
sufficient  to  arouse  suspicion  in  the  community.  By 
this  and  other  evidence  John  Miller  was  convinced  that 
the  Harpes  were  hog  thieves,  and  suspected  that  their 
dishonesty  and  meanness  had  no  limit.  [12G] 

Soon  after  the  arrival  of  the  Harpes  in  east  Tennes- 
see a  number  of  houses  and  stables  near  Knoxville  were 
set  on  fire  and  many  of  them  burned  to  the  ground.  As 
no  motive  for  such  destruction  of  property  could  be 
discovered,  the  citizens  attributed  it  to  downright  ras- 
cality. So  strong  had  become  suspicion  against  the 
Harpes  that  when  Edward  Tiel,  who  lived  a  mile  from 
Knoxville,  discovered  that  several  of  his  best  horses  had 


A  Terrible  Frontier  Story  65 

been  stolen,  he  enlisted  a  number  of  neighbors  and  im- 
mediately proceeded  to  the  home  of  the  Harpes.  The 
investigators  found  that  the  cabin  had  been  deserted 
recently,  but  noticed  indications  that  horses  had  been 
tied  to  some  near-by  trees.  Tiel  and  his  men  took  up 
the  trail  and  followed  it  across  Clinch  River  into  the 
Cumberland  Mountains.  There  they  captured  the  two 
Harpes  who  were  alone  at  the  time.  The  stolen  horses 
were  recovered,  but  when  the  captors  and  their  prison- 
ers reached  a  point  about  five  miles  northeast  of  Knox- 
ville,  the  horse  thieves  made  their  escape.  [21] 

Tiel  and  his  men  tried  to  effect  their  recapture  but, 
failing  in  the  attempt,  returned  to  Knoxville.  That 
same  night  the  two  Harpes  appeared  at  Hughes' 
"rowdy  groggery,"  a  few  miles  west  of  Knoxville, 
where  they  had  gone  to  exercise  their  brutality  before 
leaving  Tennessee.  Hughes,  his  wife's  two  brothers, 
named  Metcalfe,  and  a  man  named  Johnson,  living  in 
Jefferson  County,  were  present  when  the  Harpes,  who 
knew  the  men,  rushed  in.  Johnson  was  last  seen  alive 
there.  A  few  days  later  his  body  was  discovered  in  the 
Holstein  River.  It  had  been  ripped  open,  filled  with 
stones,  and  thrown  into  the  water.  Notwithstanding 
this  excess  of  caution  the  stones  became  loosened  and 
the  corpse  rose  to  the  surface.  When  the  body  was 
discovered  Hughes  and  the  Metcalfes  came  forth  with 
a  declaration  that  the  Harpes  had  committed  the  crime. 
Suspicion  fell  upon  the  accusers  and  as  the  two  Harpes 
were  nowhere  to  be  found,  the  three  men  were  arrested 
and  put  in  jail.  They  were  acquitted  on  trial,  due  to 
lack  of  evidence.  The  Metcalfes  immediately  fled  the 
country.  A  party  of  "regulators"  followed  Hughes  to 
his  groggery,  gave  him  a  whipping,  pulled  down  his 
house  and  drove  him  out  of  the  country.  [12G] 


66  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

The  killing  of  Johnson,  as  far  as  is  known,  seems  to 
have  been  the  first  of  the  murders  committed  by  the 
Harpes.  Up  to  this  time  they  had  apparently  confined 
their  operations  to  stealing  hogs  and  horses,  and  setting 
fire  to  houses.  They  now  began  a  career  of  ruthless 
murder  which  was  so  bold  that  it  not  only  terrified  the 
citizens  of  Tennessee  and  Kentucky,  but  also  alarmed 
settlers  in  many  other  sections  of  the  Middle  West. 

The  Harpes  evidently  had  arranged  to  meet  their 
three  women  associates  at  some  definite  point  if  they 
should  for  any  reason  find  it  necessary  to  separate. 
Shortly  after  the  killing  of  Johnson  the  five  met  in 
western  Virginia,  near  Cumberland  Gap,  and  there,  in 
December,  1798,  they  entered  Kentucky  -  the  "dark  and 
bloody  ground,"  to  be  made  even  darker  by  the  deeds 
they  were  to  commit  during  the  next  twelve  months. 

They  traveled  the  Wilderness  Road  more  or  less 
closely,  leaving  it  only  when  they  felt  their  safety  de- 
manded a  detour.  Their  first  victim  in  Kentucky  was  a 
peddler  named  Peyton,  whom  they  entcountered  near 
the  Cumberland  River  in  what  is  now  Knox  County. 
They  killed  him  and  took  his  horse  and  some  of  his 
goods,  but  the  details  of  this  deed  are  not  known.  [21] 

The  outlaws  continued  along  this  trail  toward  Crab 
Orchard  and  Stanford,  in  Lincoln  County,  and  over- 
took two  Marylanders  named  Paca  and  Bates.  Night 
came  on  and  it  was  proposed  that  the  party  camp  on 
the  first  suitable  spot.  This  was  agreed  upon,  but  the 
Harpes  managed  not  to  find  a  desirable  place  until  it 
grew  dark.  Suddenly,  as  if  by  accident,  the  brothers 
changed  positions,  Big  Harpe  getting  behind  Bates  and 
Little  Harpe  behind  Paca,  the  women  walking  about 
thirty  feet  in  the  rear.  The  Harpes  fired  and  the  two 
unfortunate  Marylanders  fell.    Bates  died  instantly.    A 


A  Terrible  Frontier  Story  67 

few  minutes  later  Paca,  who  was  badly  crippled  and 
knocked  speechless,  attempted  to  rise.  Big  Harpe 
rushed  up  to  the  struggling  man,  "splitting  open  his 
head  with  a  hatchet  or  tomahawk  he  carried  in  his 
belt."  The  Harpes,  being  in  need  of  some  clothing, 
appropriated  only  such  garments  as  were  immediately 
useful.  They  took,  however,  all  the  gold  and  silver  and 
Continental  coin  found  in  possession  of  their  victims. 

[121] 

The  villains  continued  along  the  Wilderness  Road 
and  one  night  in  December,  1798,  arrived  at  a  public 
house  kept  by  John  Farris  in  what  is  now  Rockcastle 
County,  not  many  miles  from  Crab  Orchard.  With 
them  came  Stephen  Langford,  of  Virginia,  who  was  on 
his  way  to  Crab  Orchard  to  visit  a  kinsman  and  to  con- 
sider making  that  locality  his  home.  Langford  prob- 
ably had  not  met  the  Harpes  until  that  morning.  The 
story  of  what  took  place  after  they  met  was  related 
about  a  quarter  of  a  century  later  by  Judge  James  Hall, 
who,  in  his  day,  ranked  among  the  best  living  authors 
in  America,  and  whose  statements  were  then,  and  have 
been  ever  since,  cited  as  high  authority.  His  story  of 
their  encounter  with  Langford  was  first  published  in 
August,  1825,  in  The  Port  Folio.  After  making  some 
slight  revisions  in  his  "Story  of  the  Harpes"  he  repub- 
lished the  sketch  in  1828  in  his  Letters  from  the  West, 
from  which  book  his  account  of  the  Langford  tragedy 
is  here  quoted : 

"In  the  autumn  of  the  year  1799,  a  young  gentleman, 
named  Langford,  of  a  respectable  family  in  Mecklen- 
burgh  County,  Virginia,  set  out  from  this  state  for  Ken- 
tucky, with  the  intention  of  passing  through  the  Wil- 
derness, as  it  was  then  called,  by  the  route  generally 
known  as  Boone's  Trace.    On  reaching  the  vicinity  of 


68  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

the  Wilderness,  a  mountainous  and  uninhabited  tract, 
which  at  that  time  separated  the  settled  parts  of  Ken- 
tucky from  those  of  Virginia,  he  stopped  to  breakfast 
at  a  public  house  near  Big  Rockcastle  River.  Travelers 
of  this  description  -  any  other  indeed  than  hardy 
wood  men  -  were  unwilling  to  pass  singly  through  this 
lonely  region ;  and  they  generally  waited  on  its  confines 
for  others,  and  traveled  through  in  parties.  Mr.  Lang- 
ford,  either  not  dreading  danger,  or  not  choosing  to  de- 
lay, determined  to  proceed  alone.  While  breakfast  was 
preparing,  the  Harpes  and  their  women  came  up.  Their 
appearance  denoted  poverty,  with  but  little  regard  to 
cleanliness;  two  very  indifferent  horses,  with  some  bags 
swung  across  them,  and  a  rifle  gun  or  two,  comprised 
nearly  their  whole  equipage.  Squalid  and  miserable, 
they  seemed  objects  of  pity,  rather  than  of  fear,  and 
their  ferocious  glances  were  attributed  more  to  hunger 
than  to  guilty  passion.  They  were  entire  strangers  in 
that  neighborhood,  and,  like  Mr.  Langford,  were  about 
to  cross  the  Wilderness.  When  breakfast  was  served, 
the  landlord,  as  was  customary  at  such  places  in  those 
times,  invited  all  the  persons  who  were  assembled  in 
the  common,  perhaps  the  only  room  of  his  little  inn,  to 
sit  down;  but  the  Harpes  declined,  alleging  their  want 
of  money  as  the  reason.  Langford,  who  was  of  a  lively, 
generous  disposition,  on  hearing  this,  invited  them  to 
partake  of  the  meal  at  his  expense;  they  accepted  the 
invitation,  and  ate  voraciously.  When  they  had  thus 
refreshed  themselves,  and  were  about  to  renew  their 
journey,  Mr.  Langford  called  for  the  bill,  and  in  the 
act  of  discharging  it  imprudently  displayed  a  handful 
of  silver.    They  then  set  out  together. 

"A  few  days  after,  some  men  who  were  conducting 
a  drove  of  cattle  to  Virginia,  by  the  same  road  which 


A  Terrible  Frontier  Story  69 

had  been  traveled  by  Mr.  Langford  and  the  Harpes, 
had  arrived  within  a  few  miles  of  Big  Rockcastle 
River,  when  their  cattle  took  fright,  and,  quitting  the 
road,  rushed  down  a  hill  into  the  woods.  In  collecting 
them,  the  drovers  discovered  the  dead  body  of  a  man 
concealed  behind  a  log,  and  covered  with  brush  and 
leaves.  It  was  now  evident  that  the  cattle  had  been 
alarmed  by  the  smell  of  blood  in  the  road,  and,  as  the 
body  exhibited  marks  of  violence,  it  was  at  once  sus- 
pected that  a  murder  had  been  perpetrated  but  recently. 
The  corpse  was  taken  to  the  same  house  where  the 
Harpes  had  breakfasted,  and  recognized  to  be  that  of 
Mr.  Langford,  whose  name  was  marked  upon  several 
parts  of  his  dress.  Suspicion  fell  upon  the  Harpes, 
who  were  pursued  and  apprehended  near  Crab  Or- 
chard.   They  were  taken  to  Stanford  .  .  ." 

The  killing  of  the  two  Marylanders  and  the  peddler 
was  not  known  until  many  weeks  thereafter.  The  re- 
port of  the  murder  of  Langford  spread  like  wildfire. 
The  Kentucky  Gazette,  January  2,  1799,  in  a  character- 
istically brief  paragraph  gave  sufficient  details  of  the 
discovery  of  the  body  on  December  14  to  impress  its 
readers  with  the  seriousness  of  an  act  of  barbarity  that 
might  be  repeated  by  the  Harpes  at  any  time.  "We 
also  learn,"  says  this  paragraph,  "that  Mr.  Ballenger  is 
in  pursuit  of  them,  with  a  determined  resolution  never 
to  quit  the  chase  until  he  has  secured  them." 

Captain  Joseph  Ballenger,  the  organizer  and  leader 
of  the  pursuing  party,  was  a  prominent  merchant  of 
Stanford,  Lincoln  County.  He  and  his  men  trailed  the 
Harpes  and  their  women  to  the  neighborhood  of  what 
was  then  Carpenter's  Station,  a  settlement  near  the 
present  town  of  Hustonville  and  about  eight  miles 
southwest  of  Stanford.     There  Ballenger  discovered 


70  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

them  sitting  on  a  log,  evidently  confident  that  no  one 
could  detect  their  whereabouts.  [12F]  The  pursuers 
rushed  on  them  so  suddenly  that  resistance  or  escape 
was  impossible.5 

The  five  prisoners  were  taken  to  Stanford,  placed  in 
jail  and,  about  ten  days  later,  tried  before  the  Court  of 
Quarter  Sessions. 

Hall's  story  of  the  frontier  tragedy,  based  on  personal 
accounts  that  had  survived  for  a  quarter  of  a  century, 
has  already  been  given.  It  is  brief  and  is  correct  as  far 
as  it  goes,  but  while  Hall  was  hearing  it  from  the  lips 
of  men  who  had  it  from  those  concerned  with  the 
vengeance  of  the  law,  there  lay  in  the  custody  of  the 
records  of  the  backwoods  court  of  Lincoln  County,  the 
grim  details  of  that  crime  of  base  ingratitude  and  cru- 
elty in  solitude  which  so  shook  the  Wilderness.  They 
had  lain  there  forgotten  more  than  a  century  when  they 
were  found  and  examined  in  191 8.  Yellowed  with  age, 
written  with  the  goose-quill  pen  of  that  period  in  a  pen- 
manship characteristic  of  the  pioneers,  a  jumble  of  half 
narrative,  half  legal  style,  much  of  which,  however,  is 
in  use  in  courts  today,  these  records  of  a  terrible  episode 
in  history  are  eloquent  with  interest. 

5  After  killing  Langford  the  Harpes  probably  continued  to  travel  along 
the  Wilderness  Road  until  they  reached  Crab  Orchard,  from  which  place 
radiated,  besides  the  Wilderness  Road  to  Cumberland  Gap,  at  least  four 
other  routes:  the  Louisville  route,  the  Frankfort  and  Cincinnati  route,  pass- 
ing Logan's  Fort  (or  Stanford)  Danville,  and  Harrodsburg,  the  Maysville 
route,  and  the  Tennessee  route.  Crab  Orchard,  being  a  converging  point  of 
roads,  many  travelers  going  east  waited  there  until  a  crowd  of  a  dozen  or 
more  was  organized,  thus  assuring  each  a  greater  safety  in  making  the  trip 
through  the  Wilderness.  Settlers  passing  through  the  Wilderness  going 
west  usually  left  home  in  a  crowd  sufficiently  large  to  protect  itself.  [123] 
Langford,  as  is  shown  later,  met  the  five  Harpes  in  the  Wilderness  and, 
notwithstanding  their  appearance,  he  doubtless  felt  that  they  would  at  least 
serve  as  protection  in  the  event  of  danger.  The  Harpes,  after  killing  Lang- 
ford, probably  passed  through  Crab  Orchard  and  continued  northwest  via 
the  Frankfort  road,  toward  Stanford   and  in  or  near  Stanford  turned   west 


A  Terrible  Frontier  Story  71 

The  piling  up  of  item  on  item  of  court  forms,  of  testi- 
mony laboriously  written  out  and  signed,  of  official  jail 
accounts  for  the  handling  of  the  criminals,  tells  in  its 
own  way  every  detail  of  a  crime  committed  in  fancied 
obscurity  yet  which  by  a  series  of  fortunate  circum- 
stances, was  to  blaze  into  a  notoriety  that  set  all  the 
West  on  fire  with  fear  and  horror.  One  who  holds  these 
long-forgotten  records  in  his  hands  and  curiously 
searches  them  could,  with  patience  and  without  the  aid 
of  imagination,  build  up  the  story  of  frontier  life  and 
the  people  who  lived  it.  The  story  would  show  that  the 
power  of  observation  exercised  by  some  of  the  pioneers 
was  equal  to  any  ascribed  to  a  Sherlock  Holmes.  It 
would  be  a  story  of  chance  incidents  woven  into  chains 
of  circumstances  that  were  to  reveal  crime  with  unerr- 
ing certainty  -  a  story  of  the  capture  of  the  criminals, 
of  their  life  in  jail,  and  of  the  destiny  by  which  each  of 
the  three  women  involved  was  to  have  her  only  child 
born  to  her  in  that  frontier  jail,  the  branded  fruit  of 
awful  parentage.  The  mute  entries  in  pounds,  shillings, 
and  pence  for  every  item,  set  down  on  these  yellow 
pages  without  malice  or  comment,  tell  their  part  of  the 
story  as  implacably  and  dispassionately  as  fate  itself.6 

These  records  show  that  all  the  Harpes  gave  their 
name  as  "Roberts,"  except  Betsey  Harpe,  the  supple- 
mentary wife  of  Big  Harpe,  whose  name  is  given  as 

for  the  purpose  of  misleading  anyone  who  might  pursue  them  as  that  course 
threw  them  toward  both  Tennessee  and  western  Kentucky. 

6  In  1799  Stanford  was  a  frontier  settlement  of  less  than  200  persons, 
including  slaves.  In  1780,  when  Lincoln  County  was  formed,  Logan's  Fort 
or  St.  Asaph's  became  the  seat  of  justice.  In  1787  (on  land  presented  by 
Colonel  Benjamin  Logan,  a  site  about  half  a  mile  east  of  the  fort,  where  the 
brick  court  house  now  stands)  the  county  erected  a  log  court  house  thirty 
feet  long  and  twenty  feet  wide,  with  a  small  jury  room  on  each  side,  the 
structure  forming  a  T.  Near  it  stood  a  log  jail  of  two  rooms,  each  twelve 
feet  square.  [28]  In  these  log  buildings  the  Harpe9  were  tried  and  con- 
fined. 


72  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

"Elizabeth  Walker."  Five  witnesses  appeared  against 
them,  two  of  whom- John  Farris  and  his  daughter-in- 
law,  Jane  Farris  -  lived  in  the  house  near  Rockcastle 
River  where  Thomas  Langford,  or  Lankford,  was  last 
seen  alive.  The  fugitives  were  captured  December  25, 
1798.  On  January  4,  1799,  they  appeared  before  the 
three  judges  of  the  Lincoln  County  Court  of  Quarter 
Sessions,  as  it  is  so  recorded,  by  Willis  Green,  the  clerk, 
on  the  twenty-second  page  of  the  Record  Book  marked 
"September  1798 -March  1802:" 

"At  a  court  called  and  held  at  Lincoln  Courthouse 
on  Friday  the  4th  day  of  January  1799  for  the  examina- 
tion of  Micajah  Roberts,  Wiley  Roberts,  Susanna  Ro- 
berts, Sally  Roberts,  and  Elizabeth  Walker  for  the 
murder  of  Thomas  Langford. 

"Present  Hugh  Logan,  William  Montgomery,  and 
Nathan  Huston,  Esquires,  [the  three  judges  who  pre- 
sided]. 

"The  said  [naming  the  five  prisoners]  were  lead  to 
the  bar  in  custody  of  the  Sheriff  and  charged  with 
feloniously  and  of  their  malice  aforethought  murdering 
and  robbing  a  certain  Thomas  Langford  on  Wednesday 
the  1 2th  day  of  December  1798  on  the  road  leading 
from  Kentucky  to  Virginia  through  the  Wilderness, 
and  denied  the  fact,  sundry  evidences  were  therefore 
examined  and  the  prisoners  heard  in  their  defense." 

Five  witnesses  appeared  on  behalf  of  the  Common- 
wealth. The  statement  of  each  is  written  on  loose 
leaves  and  signed  in  the  presence  of  Thomas  Mont- 
gomery, the  official  notary,  and  all  were  therefore  in  a 
form  to  be  turned  over  to  a  higher  court  should  it  be- 
come necessary  to  do  so.  The  affidavit  of  Captain  Bal- 
lenger,  who  lead  the  pursuing  party,  is  here  quoted  in 
full: 


A  Terrible  Frontier  Story  73 

"Joseph  Ballenger  of  lawful  age,  and  sworn,  de- 
poseth  and  saith  that  at  about  the  19th  or  20th  day  of 
December  1798  he  heard  that  a  murder  had  been  com- 
mitted in  the  Wilderness  on  the  body  of  a  certain 
Thomas  Langford,  as  supposed ;  that  he,  at  the  request 
of  James  Blain  the  Attorney  General  of  this  Common- 
wealth with  others  (including  Thomas  Welsh)  went  in 
pursuit  of  some  persons  suspected  of  being  the  murder- 
ers who  had  passed  through  Lincoln  County;  that  they 
went  to  the  house  of  John  Blain  in  Lincoln  County 
where  they  heard  that  persons  similar  to  those  they 
were  in  pursuit  of  had  left  Brush  Creek,  a  branch  of 
Green  River,  and  passed  over  to  the  Rolling  Fork  of 
Salt  River;  that  they  pursued  them  and  overtook  five 
persons,  the  same  who  this  day  on  their  examinations 
were  called  Micajah  Roberts,  Wiley  Roberts,  Susan- 
na Roberts,  Sally  Roberts,  and  Elizabeth  Walker; 
that  after  taking  them  into  custody  they  proceeded  to 
search  them  and  found  in  their  possession  a  pocket 
book  with  the  name  of  Thomas  Langford,  a  great  coat, 
a  grey  coating  cloth,  a  short  coat -in  the  pocket  of  it 
were  broken  pieces  of  glass  -  a  mixed  colored  long 
coat,  a  pair  of  breeches,  a  shaving  glass,  a  whip,  a  pair 
of  wrappers,  and  a  horse,  this  day  proved  to  be  the 
property  of  Thomas  Langford  said  to  be  the  person 
murdered  in  the  Wilderness,  and  that  they  found  also 
a  Free  Mason's  apron  and  many  other  things  in  their 
possession  said  to  be  the  property  of  Thomas  Lang- 
ford.   Further  saith  not." 

David  Irby,  in  his  sworn  statement,  explained  that: 
"he  and  Thomas  Langford  set  out  from  Pittsylvania 
County  in  Virginia  for  Kentucky,  they  traveled  five 
days  journey  together  and  sometimes  one  paid  their 
traveling  expense  and  sometimes  the  other,  all  of  which 


74  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

Thomas  Langford  marked  down  in  his  pocket  book. 
Before  they  crossed  Inglish's  Ferry  [Ingle's  Ferry  in 
what  is  now  Montgomery  Country,  Virginia]  they  got 
a  half  bushel  of  oats  which  the  deponent  paid  for  and 
also  their  f erryage  at  Inglish's  Ferry  in  Wythe  County 
(Virginia)  the  deponent  purchased  a  cheese  which 
Thomas  Langford  set  down  in  his  pocket  book,  he  says 
that  the  pocket  book  now  before  the  examining  court 
is  the  said  pocket  book  which  Thomas  Langford  had 
when  they  traveled  together  in  Tennessee  State.  [The 
trail  from  Virginia  to  Cumberland  Gap  extended  into 
northeastern  Tennessee  before  reaching  Kentucky]. 
The  deponent  and  Thomas  Langford  separated  when 
they  agreed  to  meet  at  Frankfort  in  Kentucky;  the  de- 
ponent heard  in  Kentucky  that  the  said  Thomas  Lang- 
ford was  murdered  on  his  way  to  Kentucky,  he  set  out 
towards  the  place  where  the  crime  was  committed  and 
went  to  the  place  where  the  person  who  was  killed  was 
buried  and  he,  the  deponent,  and  John  Farris  unburied 
and  raised  the  decedent  and  found  him  to  be  Thomas 
Langford." 

What  Irby  saw  and  heard  he  further  declared  con- 
vinced him  that  the  murdered  man  was  no  other  than 
his  recent  traveling  companion. 

John  Farris  Sr.  swore  that  on  Tuesday  night,  De- 
cember 12,  1798 :  "a  man  came  to  his  house  on  the  Wil- 
derness Road  who  called  himself  Thomas  Langford 
and  who,  after  he  had  told  him  his  name,  he  recollected 
to  have  been  acquainted  with  in  Pittsylvania  County, 
Virginia,  in  the  youth  of  Thomas  Langford." 

He  said  his  guest  remained  all  night  and  started  the 
next  morning  for  the  settlements.  In  the  meantime, 
Farris  had:  "an  opportunity  of  viewing  his  clothing 
and  actually  did  very  curiously  examine  the  outward 


A  Terrible  Frontier  Story  75 

clothing  of  the  said  Thomas  Langford."  A  few  days 
later  he  heard  that  "a  man  was  killed  on  the  Wilder- 
ness Road,  and  on  inquiring  into  the  circumstances  he 
was  induced  to  believe  that  the  person  murdered  was 
Thomas  Langford  .  .  .  but  not  being  fully  satisfied 
that  the  person  found  dead  was  Thomas  Langford,  he 
went  to  the  coroner  of  Lincoln  County,  obtained  from 
him  an  order  -  the  said  coroner  having  before  that  time 
held  an  inquest  on  the  body  -  and  in  pursuance  of  the 
said  order,  in  company  with  David  Irby  and  Abraham 
Anthony  who  buried  the  said  Thomas  Langford  as  he 
supposed,  raised  him  and  inspected  him  .  .  .  and  that 
the  whole  visage  of  the  person,  by  him  and  others 
raised,  answered  his  idea  of  Thomas  Langford,  but  he 
knew  him  more  particularly  by  the  loss  of  a  tooth  in 
the  front  part  of  his  jaw." 

His  daughter-in-law,  Jane  Farris,  wife  of  William 
Farris,  also  identified  various  things  found  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  outlaws  as  the  property  of  the  murdered 
man.  She  evidently  observed  the  actions  of  the  trav- 
elers closely,  for  she  states :  "Thomas  Langford  had  on 
leggins  at  her  house  and  as  part  of  the  list  of  one  of 
them  was  torn  Susan  Roberts  sewed  it  to  the  leggin 
with  white  thread."  She  adds  that  the  five  prisoners 
and  their  victim  came  to  the  house  together  and  "All 
appeared  very  cheerful  with  each  other,  Langford 
seemed  to  be  somewhat  intoxicated,  he  had  a  small 
glass  bottle  which  was  rilled  with  whiskey  at  their  house 
which  Micajah  Roberts  and  Wiley  Roberts  paid  for." 
The  six  left  the  Farris  house  together,  but  shortly 
before  leaving  "there  was  some  misunderstanding  be- 
tween Thomas  Langford  and  Micajah  and  Wiley  Ro- 
berts .  .  .  and  Mr.  Langford  said  to  Mrs.  Farris,  in 
the  presence  of  all,  that  he  would  not  offend  her  for  all 


76  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

in  his  saddle  bags  which  was  worth  five  hundred 
pounds." 

The  statement  made  by  Thomas  Welsh,  who  was  in 
the  pursuing  party,  is  practically  the  same  as  Captain 
Ballenger's.  He,  however,  adds  "there  was  none  of 
the  alteration  in  the  great  coat  at  the  time  of  the  find- 
ing .  .  .  and  must  have  been  made  by  the  criminals 
since  they  were  taken  into  custody,  they  having,  for 
several  days  after  they  were  taken  in  custody,  the  pos- 
session of  the  great  coat." 

There  is  nothing  in  the  records  to  indicate  what  was 
said  by  the  prisoners  when  they  were  heard  in  their 
defense.  The  decision  of  the  court  was  that  the  five 
prisoners  "ought  to  be  tried  for  the  murder  of  the  said 
Thomas  Langford  before  the  Judges  of  the  District 
Court  holden  for  the  Danville  District  at  the  next 
April  Term,  and  it  is  ordered  that  they  be  remanded 
to  jail." 

Thomas  Todd,  the  prosecuting  attorney,  in  the  re- 
quirement of  the  law,  "acknowledged  himself  indebt- 
ed" to  the  Governor  of  the  Commonwealth  "in  the  sum 
of  ten  thousand  pounds  current  money"  should  he  fail 
to  appear  before  the  judges  on  the  first  day  of  the  April 
term  of  the  Danville  District  Court  then  and  there  to 
prosecute  the  prisoners.  The  witnesses  "acknowledged 
themselves  severally  indebted  ...  to  the  sum  of  five 
hundred  pounds  current  money"  should  they  fail  to 
appear  and  give  evidence  on  behalf  of  the  Common- 
wealth.7 

7  A  perusal  of  the  accounts  kept  by  Joseph  Welsh,  the  sheriff  of  Lincoln 
County,  reveals  many  interesting  facts.  John  Gower  against  the  Common- 
wealth of  Kentucky  runs:  'Tor  making  a  pair  of  handcuffs  for  Wiley  Roberts 
9s.  And  putting  on  and  taking  off  when  committed  and  before  trial  2s.  6d. 
To  putting  on  and  taking  off  the  handcuffs  after  trial  and  before  removal  to 
the   District  jail  2s  6d,"  making  a  total  of  14s.     For  this  same   service  on 


A  Terrible  Frontier  Story  77 

On  January  5  the  five  prisoners  were  taken  by  the 
sheriff  and  a  guard  of  seven  men  to  Danville,  there  to 
await  trial  before  the  District  Court  in  April.  The 
distance  from  Stanford  to  Danville  is  about  ten  miles. 
Neither  history  nor  tradition  tells  how  this  cavalcade 
made  the  trip  over  the  trail,  whether  afoot,  on  horses) 
or  in  wagons,  or  by  a  combination  of  these  means.  The 
condition  then  reached  by  the  women  may  have  neces- 
sitated the  use  of  a  conveyance  for  them.  This  party  of 
thirteen  doubtless  attracted  much  attention  along  the 
road,  for  five  prisoners,  of  whom  three  were  women, 
was  a  sight  not  often  seen.  The  ten  mile  trip  to  Dan- 
ville made  by  the  guards  with  the  captured  Harpes 
along  this  historic  highway,  winding  through  an  almost 
unbroken  forest,  readily  lends  itself  to  anyone's  fancy.8 

Evidently  John  Biegler,  "Jailer  of  the  District  of 
Danville,"  to  whom  the  prisoners  were  delivered  and 
who  had  them  in  his  custody  several  months,  felt  there 
was  some  likelihood  of  his  charges  escaping.  His  ac- 
count against  the  state  shows  that  on  January  20,  1799, 

Micajah  Roberts,  Gower  received,  respectively  2s.  6d.;  is.  3d.,  and  is.  3d., 
a  total  of  only  5s. 

The  sheriff  received  the  following  sums:  "For  summoning  a  court  for  the 
examination"  of  the  five  prisoners,  £1.  5s.  "For  summoning  twelve  wit- 
nesses vs.  Micajah  Roberts  and  others,  at  is.  3d.  each,  15s."  "For  imprison- 
ing, 2s.  6d.,  keeping  in  jail  10  days  at  is.  a  day,  10s.,  Removing  to  District 
jail,  7s.  6d.,  total  20s.,"  making  a  total  of  £5. 

Another  bill  presented  by  the  sheriff  was  for  eight  men  guarding  the  five 
prisoners  in  the  Lincoln  County  jail  for  fourteen  days  at  4s.  6d.  each  per 
day,  making  a  total  of  £25.  4s.  The  last  bill  shows  he  paid  seven  of  the 
guards  "for  one  day  and  traveling  twenty  miles  in  removing  the  above 
prisoners  to  the  District  jail  and  returning  at  2d.  per  mile,  6s.  4d.  [sic]" 
making  a  total  of  £2.  4s.  4d. 

The  total  of  all  these  accounts  is  a  little  more  than  £35.  or  what  would 
today  be  about  $175.00. 

8  Danville,  in  1799,  with  a  population  of  a  little  over  200,  was  one  of  the 
most  important  towns  in  Kentucky.  In  1784  the  court  authorized  the  build- 
ing of  "a  log  house  large  enough  for  a  court  room  in  one  end,  and  two  jury 
rooms  in  the  other  end  on  the  same  floor     .     .     .     and  a  prison  of  hewed  or 


78  Outlaws  of  Gave-in-Rock 

he  bought  "Two  horse  locks  to  chain  the  men's  feet  to 
the  ground,  12s.  and  1  bolt,  3s."  It  seems  to  have  be- 
come necessary  to  fasten  the  front  door  more  firmly, 
for,  on  February  13,  he  purchased  "one  lock  for  front 
jail  door,  18s."  Two  weeks  later  he  bought  three 
pounds  of  nails  for  6s.  "for  the  use  of  the  jail."  The 
expense  items  further  show  that  four  men,  two  at  a 
time,  were  employed  to  guard  the  prisoners. 

But  with  all  these  precautions,  the  two  Harpes  es- 
caped on  March  16,  leaving  their  three  women  and 
two  new-born  infants  behind.  There  is  nothing  in  the 
court  records  indicating  how  they  escaped.  The  jail- 
er's expense  account  merely  shows  an  item  dated  March 
19:  "Mending  the  wall  in  jail  where  the  prisoners  es- 
caped, 12s."  Breazeale,  forty  years  later,  wrote -but 
cites  no  authority  for  his  statement:  "the  jailer,  soon 
after  their  escape,  resigned  his  office,  left  the  jail, 
bought  a  farm  and  settled  himself  in  the  country  where 
he  very  shortly  became  wealthy -no  one  ever  knew 
with  certainty  by  what  means,  but  the  general  suspicion 
was  that  he  had  acquired  his  wealth  by  receiving  a 
large  bribe  from  the  Harpes  to  permit  them  to  escape." 

How  they  escaped  was  doubtless  a  subject  of  much 
conjecture  and  discussion.  Colonel  Daniel  Trabue  in 
his  Autobiography  says  that  the  two  men  "took  two 
guns  from  the  guard  at  Danville."  Whether  or  not  the 
guard  or  guards  were  present  and  resisted  the  prison- 
ers when  they  took  the  two  guns  is  not  stated.  Judge 
James  Hall,  continuing  his  brief  account  of  the  Lang- 
ford  murder,  quoted  a  few  pages  back,  gives  no  details, 
but  simply  ends  with  the  statement:  "They  were  taken 
to  Stanford  where  they  were  examined  and  committed 

sawed  logs  at  least  nine  inches  thick."  [82]  The  buildings  were  still  in  use 
when  the  Harpes  were  taken  there  to  await  trial. 


A  Terrible  Frontier  Story  79 

by  an  enquiring  court,  sent  to  Danville  for  safe  keeping, 
and  probably  for  trial.  Previous  to  the  time  of  trial 
they  made  their  escape." 

Nor  do  the  records  contain  any  hint  as  to  how  the 
two  men  passed  the  time  of  their  imprisonment.  Ly- 
man C.  Draper,  in  his  "Sketch  of  the  Harpes,"  says 
that  shortly  before  his  escape  Big  Harpe,  contending 
it  would  answer  the  ends  of  justice  as  well,  proposed 
to  whip  at  fisticuffs  the  two  best  fighters  in  Kentucky, 
provided  he  be  set  free  if  he  succeeded  in  whipping 
the  men,  and  should  he  fail  he  would  abide  by  the 
decision  of  the  court. 

The  trial  of  the  three  women  was  set  for  April  15. 
But  during  the  hundred  days  they  were  immured  in 
the  log  jail  there  was  happening  to  them  the  immortal 
trial  that  comes  to  their  sex  under  all  conditions. 
Yoked  as  they  were  irregularly,  pursuing  as  they  had 
the  lives  of  the  hunted  and  outcast,  they  had  to  bear,  in 
the  rigors  of  winter,  in  abandonment  and  in  prison 
charged  with  murder,  the  burdens  of  motherhood  -  and 
to  such  fathers!  These  items  from  the  jailer's  accounts 
of  his  expenditures  on  their  behalf  tell  a  story  with 
which  imagination  is  free  to  work: 

"February  8,  %  lb.  Hyson  tea,  3s.  9d.,  1  lb.  sugar,  is. 
6d.  for  Betsey  Walker  she  being  brought  to  bed  by  a 
son  the  preceding  night,  5s.  3d-  February  10,  *4  lb. 
ginger,  is.  id.,  1  lb.  sugar,  is.  6d.,  for  ditto,  and  paid 
cash  to  the  wife  and  other  assistance  21s.  £1.  3s.  7d."- 
total  fi.  8s.  iod. 

"March  7,  y8  lb.  tea,  is.  iod.,  1  lb.  sugar,  is.  6d.,  for 
the  use  of  Susanna  Harpe  brought  to  bed  by  a  daughter 
the  preceding  night,  3s.  4d.  Paid  cash  midwife  for 
ditto,  1 8s."-  total  £  1.  is.  4d. 


80  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

"April  9,  %  lb.  tea,  3s.  9c!.,  1  lb.  sugar,  is.  6d.,  1  quart 
whiskey,  is.  6d.  for  the  use  of  Sally  Harp  brought  to 
bed  the  preceding  night  by  a  daughter."-  total  6s.  9d. 

It  will  be  noted  that  when  the  third  child  was  born  - 
a  week  before  the  time  set  for  trial -the  second  was 
about  a  month  old  and  the  other  two  months  old. 

Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  when,  on  Monday,  April 
15,  1799,  the  clerk  turned  to  page  314  of  the  Danville 
District  Court  Order  Book  and  there  began  his  record 
of  the  trial  of  the  three  women  indicted  for  the  murder 
of  Thomas  Langf  ord.  The  court  was  presided  over  by 
Judge  James  G.  Hunter  and  by  Judge  Samuel  Mc- 
Dowell, who  served  in  the  absence  of  Judge  Stephen 
Ormsby.  "Susanna  Roberts,  spinster  of  Lincoln  Coun- 
ty was  set  to  the  bar  in  custody  of  the  jailer,"  so  runs  the 
record,  and  pleaded  "not  guilty;"  but  "for  reasons  ap- 
pearing to  the  court"  her  trial  was  postponed  until  the 
third  day  of  the  term.  "Elizabeth  Walker"  and  "Sally 
Roberts"  were  not  called  on  to  appear  personally  that 
day  before  the  judges,  but  their  cases  were  postponed 
until  the  18th. 

On  the  17th  "Susanna  Roberts"  again  appeared  in 
court.  A  jury  of  twelve  men  was  sworn,  which,  after 
hearing  the  same  evidence  given  in  Stanford,  presented 
in  the  form  of  written  affidavits,  declared  her  "guilty." 

On  the  1 8th  another  jury  was  sworn  and  "Elizabeth 
Walker,  spinster  of  Lincoln  County,"  was  tried  on  the 
same  evidence  presented  against  "Susanna  Roberts," 
but  found  "not  guilty."  The  court  proceedings  of 
that  afternoon  show  that  the  judge  "saith  he  will  not 
further  prosecute  the  said  Sally  Roberts  (spinster  of 
Lincoln  County)  .  .  .  and  therefore  it  is  considered 
by  the  court  that  she  be  acquitted." 


A  Terrible  Frontier  Story  81 

Thus,  with  the  same  evidence  against  each  woman, 
one  was  found  "guilty,"  and  one  "not  guilty"  and  one 
was  "acquitted." 

On  the  19th  Susanna,  who  had  been  found  guilty,  ap- 
pealed for  a  new  trial  and  it  was  granted.  The  Attor- 
ney General,  however,  concluded  not  to  prosecute  her, 
and,  at  his  suggestion,  the  clerk  was  ordered  to  record 
"certain  of  the  reasons  which  moved  him  to  enter  into 
nolle  prosequi  in  this  case  .  .  .  to-wit:  Upon  consider- 
ing the  circumstances  attending  the  case  of  Susanna 
Roberts  and  although  she  has  been  found  guilty  of  the 
charge  in  the  indictment  contained  by  a  verdict  of  her 
peers,  yet  as  Eliza  Walker  has  been  tried  on  the  same 
indictment,  on  which  trial  the  said  Eliza  was  found 
not  guilty  and  the  same  proof  produced  against  her  as 
was  produced  against  the  said  Susanna,  and  in  conse- 
quence also  of  the  Court  having  granted  a  new  trial 
and  from  the  probability  [of  the  evidence]  which 
would  be  produced  on  the  trial  of  the  said  Susanna  at 
the  next  term  by  the  two  other  women,  in  the  same  in- 
dictment contained,  who  are  acquitted  and  discharged, 
operating  in  favor  of  the  prisoner,  and  also  by  the 
advice  of  the  prosecutor  and  of  the  Court,  and  also  to 
save  to  the  Commonwealth  the  expenses  which  attend 
her  long  detention  and  further  prosecution,  I  have 
been  induced  to  direct  the  Clerk  to  enter  a  nolle  pro- 
sequi as  to  the  said  Susanna  Roberts."  9 

9  The  account  of  the  Danville  jailer  shows  that  the  two  men  had  been 
confined  71  days,  Sally  and  Betsey  102  days,  and  Susanna  103  days,  for 
which  a  charge  of  is.  per  day  for  each  was  made ;  449  days  £22.  9s.  In  the 
same  record  is  a  memorandum  to  the  effect  that  the  three  infants  had  been  in 
jail  69,  43,  and  9  days,  or  a  total  of  121  days.  The  jailer  evidently  intended 
to  make  a  charge  for  this  item,  but  there  are  no  figures  to  indicate  the  con- 
templated amount.  Four  men  for  guarding  the  jail  103  days  received  a  total 
of  £6.   6s.     An   item  shows:  "April   12,   21^   cords  wood   from  the   5th  of 


82  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 


January  until  this  day  for  the  use  of  guards,  court,  and  prisoners  @  6  [sic] 
cutting  the  wood  for  the  above,  2s.  6d.,  £2.  14s.  4d."  The  total  of  the  three 
items  is  £31.  9s.  4d.  The  seven  Danville  items  previously  noted  amount  to 
£5.  7s.  1  id.  This  makes  the  Danville  expense  a  grand  total  of  £36.  17s.  3d., 
or  what  would  today  be  about  $185.00.  This,  with  the  $175.00  Stanford 
account  makes  a  grand  total  of  the  now  known  expense  items  a  sum  that 
would  today  be  about  $360.00. 


The  Harpes -Renewal  of  the  Terror 

What  had  happened  to  the  Harpes  and  their  women 
was  a  natural  outcome  of  the  frontier  outlook  upon  life. 
The  three  mothers  had  gained  the  sympathy  of  the 
court  and  the  community  in  their  apparent  distress  and 
helplessness.  It  was  believed  that  they  had  obtained  a 
happy  release  from  their  barbarous  masters.  It  is  prob- 
able that  many  of  the  persons  who  now  helped  in  the 
hunt  for  the  escaped  Harpes  did  so  not  because  they 
were  highway  murderers  and  should  therefore  be  shot 
or  hanged,  but  because  they  deserved  particular  punish- 
ment for  their  brutal  conduct  toward  the  young  women. 
At  any  rate  the  settlements  were  united  in  the  pursuit 
of  the  two  men,  who  had  so  curiously  escaped. 

The  acquitted  women  declared  that,  above  all  things, 
they  desired  to  return  to  Knoxville  and  there  start  life 
over  again.  A  collection  of  clothes  and  money  was 
made  among  the  citizens  of  Danville  and  an  old  mare 
was  given  to  help  them  on  their  way  to  Tennessee.  The 
three  women,  each  with  a  bundle  over  her  shoulder  and 
a  child  under  her  arm,  and  the  old  mare  loaded  down 
with  clothes  and  bedding,  left  the  jail  one  morning  on 
what  was  considered  no  easy  journey  even  when  under- 
taken with  good  horses  and  the  best  of  equipment.  They 
walked  down  the  street  in  Indian  file,  led  by  the  jailer, 
who  accompanied  them  to  the  edge  of  town  to  point 
out  the  road  that  led  through  Crab  Orchard  to  Ten- 
nessee. These  forlorn  and  dejected  travelers,  however, 
had  covered  less  than  thirty  miles  when  they  changed 


84  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

their  course  and  went  down  along  the  banks  of  Green 
River.  A  few  days  later  they  traded  their  horse  for  a 
canoe  and  then  went  down  the  stream  and  were  soon 
lost  sight  of  by  the  spies  who  attempted  to  watch  them. 

[I2F] 

The  brutal  killing  of  Langford  had  stirred  the  coun- 
try for  almost  two  months,  and  now  that  the  murderers 
had  escaped  and  the  gnawed  bones  of  the  two  Mary- 
landers  were  found,  with  all  evidence  pointing  to  the 
Harpes  as  the  perpetrators  of  this  terrible  murder,  the 
citizens  became  even  more  enraged.  They  were  aroused 
to  the  realization  that  the  villains  must  be  captured  and 
disposed  of  at  once.  The  case  required  prompt  action 
and  any  and  all  methods  that  might  bring  about  the  ex- 
termination of  the  Harpes  were  endorsed. 

On  March  28,  1799,  The  Kentucky  Gazette  pub- 
lished the  following  paragraph :  "The  criminals  in  the 
Danville  district  jail  for  the  murder  of  Mr.  Langford, 
(as  mentioned  in  our  paper  of  the  2nd  of  January  last) 
have  made  their  escape.  By  an  order  from  W.  E. 
Strong,  Esq.,  a  justice  of  the  peace  for  Mercer  County, 
all  sheriffs  and  constables  are  commanded  to  take  and 
re-commit  them." 

An  entry  in  the  Danville  District  Court  Order  Book, 
page  370,  under  date  of  April  22,  1799,  reads:  "It  is 
ordered  that  the  Commonwealth's  writ  of  capias  issue 
from  the  clerk's  office  of  this  Court  to  the  Sheriff  of 
Lincoln  County  commanding  him  to  take  Micajah  Rob- 
erts and  Wiley  Roberts  who  have  lately  broken  the 
jail  of  this  District  and  are  now  running  at  large  and 
them,  the  said  Micajah  Roberts  and  Wiley  Roberts, 
safely  to  keep  so  that  he  have  their  bodies  before  the 
Judges  of  the  District  Court  holden  for  the  Danville 
District  on  the  first  day  of  their  August  Term,  to  answer 


Renewal  of  the  Terror  85 

for  the  felony  and  murder  of  a  certain  Thomas  Lang- 
ford  whereof  they  stand  indicted." 

Lynching  parties  had  been  organized  since  the 
middle  of  March  and  in  the  meantime  a  committee 
was  sent  to  James  Garrard,  Governor  of  Kentucky,  pre- 
senting to  him  the  necessity  of  capturing  the  outlaws. 
A  memorandum  on  this  subject  in  the  Executive  Jour- 
nal, entered  in  the  month  of  April,  states  that  "the 
governor  authorized  Josh  Ballenger  to  pursue  them 
into  the  state  of  Tennessee  and  other  states,  and  to  ap- 
ply to  the  executive  authorities  of  such  states  to  deliver 
them  up." 

Ballenger  and  his  men  began  their  chase  before  they 
received  official  notice  of  the  governor's  action,  and 
were  soon  on  the  trail.  Near  the  headwaters  of  Rolling 
Fork,  a  branch  of  Salt  River,  they  suddenly  found 
themselves  face  to  face  with  the  Harpes,  who,  although 
surprised,  were  prepared  to  shoot.  The  pursuers  re- 
treated in  confusion  and  the  Harpes,  taking  advantage 
of  the  situation,  made  their  escape.  Henry  Scaggs,  one 
of  the  party,  suggested  that  the  crowd  go  to  his  farm 
and,  with  the  aid  of  his  dogs,  continue  the  chase. 
Scaggs  was  one  of  the  "Long  Hunters"  who  came  to 
Kentucky  in  1770  with  Colonel  James  Knox  and  a  pio- 
neer who  had  ever  since  been  looked  upon  as  "a  valiant 
man  in  battle  and  a  great  hunter."  Urged  by  him  they 
resumed  the  pursuit  and  continued  it  until  late  that 
night,  when  most  of  the  men,  becoming  discouraged, 
left  the  party  because  the  trail  of  the  Harpes  led  them 
through  very  thick  and  almost  impenetrable  cane. 

A  few  men,  led  by  Ballenger,  continued  the  search, 
but  in  a  section  where  the  heavy  cane  was  no  impedi- 
ment. Scaggs,  believing  the  canebrake  should  be  pene- 
trated, went  to  a  "log  rolling"  a  few  miles  north  of  the 


86  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

home  of  Colonel  Daniel  Trabue,  and  there,  with  the 
aid  of  Major  James  Blain,  tried  to  organize  another 
party.  But  the  men  declared  that  the  cane  was  too 
thick  and  the  chances  of  capture  too  slight  to  justify 
the  risk,  and  the  "log  rolling"  went  on.  Scaggs  then  - 
on  or  about  April  io-rode  to  the  farm  of  Colonel 
Daniel  Trabue,  a  Revolutionary  soldier  and  one  of  the 
most  prominent  and  altruistic  of  Kentucky  pioneers, 
who  lived  about  three  miles  west  of  what  is  now 
Columbia,  Adair  County. 

While  Scaggs  was  discussing  his  plans  with  Colonel 
Trabue,  the  Colonel  was  patiently  awaiting  the  return 
of  his  son,  John  Trabue,  a  lad  of  thirteen,  who  had 
been  sent  to  one  of  the  neighbors  to  borrow  some  flour 
and  seed  beans.  The  boy  was  accompanied  by  a  small 
dog,  and,  in  the  midst  of  the  discussion,  the  dog  walked 
into  the  yard  badly  wounded.  [12E]  An  investigation 
was  immediately  made.  The  neighbor  reported  that 
the  boy  had  left  the  house  a  few  hours  before  with  the 
flour  and  beans.  All  efforts  made  that  night  to  find  him 
were  futile.  They  began  to  suspect  that  he  might  have 
been  kidnapped  by  the  Harpes.  The  search  continued 
for  many  days,  but  all  in  vain.  Evidence  of  the  Harpes 
was  discovered  by  George  Spears  and  five  other  men 
about  fifteen  miles  southwest  of  the  Trabue  farm,  near 
the  East  Fork  of  Barren  River,  where  the  outlaws  had 
killed  a  calf  and  made  moccasins  out  of  the  skin,  leav- 
ing their  old  moccasins  behind.  The  footprints  indi- 
cated the  presence  of  two  men,  but  there  were  no  signs 
to  show  that  a  boy  was  with  them.  [63] 

Little  did  the  pursuers  realize  what  had  actually 
happened.  The  innocent  lad,  walking  home  over  an 
old  buffalo  trace,  had  met  the  Harpes  as  they  were 
crossing  it.    There  they  killed  the  little  fellow,  cut  his 


Renewal  of  the  Terror  87 

body  to  pieces,  and  threw  it  into  a  sinkhole  near  the 
path,  where  it  remained  hidden  about  two  weeks  and 
was  then  discovered  by  accident.  The  murderers  had 
taken  the  flour  but  not  the  seed  beans. 

Colonel  Trabue,  in  his  autobiography  or  journal, 
written  some  twenty-five  years  after  this  tragedy,  de- 
plores the  fact  that  the  log  rollers  did  not  continue  the 
pursuit:  "It  is  a  pity  they  did  not  go,  for  then  John 
Trabue  might  not  have  been  killed."  He  adds  that 
these  men  ever  after  "reflected  very  much  on  them- 
selves for  their  negligence,  and  said  this  ought  to  be  a 
warning  to  others  hereafter  to  always  do  their  duty." 

In  pioneer  times  the  execution  of  the  law  by  officials 
was  in  many  instances  an  unavoidably  slow  process,  and 
it  therefore  frequently  became  necessary  for  the  law 
abiding  citizens  to  organize  themselves  into  bands  and, 
by  any  method  the  emergency  might  demand,  establish 
order  and  safety.  No  matter  how  achieved,  preserving 
peace  and  fighting  danger  was  looked  upon  by  good 
citizens  as  the  imperative  duty  of  all.  Had  the  then 
slow-acting  laws  been  relied  upon,  the  sly  and  quick- 
traveling  Harpes  probably  would  not  have  been  cap- 
tured for  years,  and  their  victims  might  have  been 
numbered  by  the  hundreds.  On  the  other  hand,  as  sug- 
gested by  Colonel  Trabue,  it  is  possible  that  had  the 
men  who  were  called  upon  by  Scaggs  done  what  was 
in  those  days  considered  a  duty,  Langford  might  have 
been  the  last  victim  of  the  Harpes  and  their  career 
ended. 

A  report  that  mad  dogs  were  running  through  the 
country  and  were  likely  to  spring  from  behind  any  bush 
or  tree  at  any  time  could  not  have  alarmed  the  people 
more  than  did  the  realization  that  the  Harpes  had  es- 
caped from  jail  and  were  killing  all  who  chanced  to  be 


88  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

in  their  path.  On  April  22,  the  Governor  of  Kentucky 
was  again  appealed  to  for  help,  and  he  immediately 
signed  a  proclamation  which  was  published  in  the 
Frankfort  Palladium  on  May  2  and  May  9,  1799: 

"BY  THE  GOVERNOR,  A  PROCLAMATION. 

"Whereas  it  has  been  represented  to  me  that  MICA- 
JAH  HARP,  alias  ROBERTS,  and  WILEY  HARP  alias  ROB- 
ERTS, who  were  confined  in  the  jail  of  the  Danville  dis- 
trict under  a  charge  of  murder,  did  on  the  16th  day  of 
March  last,  break  out  of  the  said  jail; -and  whereas 
the  ordinary  methods  of  pursuit  have  been  found  inef- 
fectual for  apprehending  and  restoring  to  confinement 
the  said  fugitives,  I  have  judged  it  necessary  to  the 
safety  and  welfare  of  the  community  and  to  the  main- 
tenance of  justice,  to  issue  this  my  proclamation  and  do 
hereby  offer  and  promise  a  reward  of  THREE  HUNDRED 
DOLLARS  to  any  person  who  shall  apprehend  and  deliver 
into  the  custody  of  the  jailer  of  the  Danville  district 
the  said  MICAJAH  HARP  alias  ROBERTS  and  a  like  reward 
of  THREE  HUNDRED  DOLLARS  for  apprehending  and 
delivering  as  aforesaid  the  said  WILEY  HARP  alias  ROB- 
ERTS, to  be  paid  out  of  the  public  treasury  agreeably  to 
law. 

"In  testimony  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand 
and  have  caused  the  seal  of  the  Commonwealth  to  be 
affixed. 

"Done  at  Frankfort  on  the  22nd  day  of  April  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  1799,  and  of  the  Commonwealth  the 
seventh. 

"(L.  S.) 

"By  the  Governor  JAMES  GARRARD 

"Harry  Toulmin,  Secretary. 

"MICAJAH  HARP  alias  ROBERTS  is  about  six  feet  high  - 


Renewal  of  the  Terror  89 

of  a  robust  make,  and  is  about  30  or  32  years  of  age.  He 
has  an  ill-looking,  downcast  countenance,  and  his  hair 
is  black  and  short,  but  comes  very  much  down  his  fore- 
head. He  is  built  very  straight  and  is  full  fleshed  in 
the  face.  When  he  went  away  he  had  on  a  striped  nan- 
keen coat,  dark  blue  woolen  stockings-  leggins  of  drab 
cloth  and  trousers  of  the  same  as  the  coat. 

"WILEY  HARP  alias  ROBERTS  is  very  meagre  in  his 
face,  has  short  black  hair  but  not  quite  so  curly  as  his 
brother's;  he  looks  older,  though  really  younger,  and 
has  likewise  a  downcast  countenance.  He  had  on  a 
coat  of  the  same  stuff  as  his  brother's,  and  had  a  drab 
surtout  coat  over  the  close-bodied  one.  His  stockings 
were  dark  blue  woolen  ones,  and  his  leggins  of  drab 
cloth." 

Before  this  proclamation  by  the  Governor  had  time 
to  circulate  throughout  the  state,  report  reached  the 
people  that  the  Harpes  had  killed  a  man  named  Doo- 
ley,  near  what  is  now  Edmonton,  Metcalfe  County, 
[28]  and  had  butchered  another  named  Stump,  who 
lived  on  Barren  River  about  eight  miles  below  Bowl- 
ing Green.  [12D] 

Stump  was  fishing,  and  seeing  smoke  rising  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  river,  a  little  distance  from  the 
bank,  presumed  some  new  arrivals  were  preparing  to 
settle.  He  stepped  into  his  cabin  and  got  his  violin, 
and  then  crossed  the  stream  to  greet  the  newcomers. 
He  was  clad  in  his  shirt  and  trousers,  without  hat  or 
shoes,  but  he  probably  felt  that  what  he  lacked  in  wear- 
ing apparel  would  be  more  than  counterbalanced  by 
the  hearty  welcome  to  the  Wilderness  he  was  prepared 
to  give  his  new  neighbors.  So,  in  this  scant  attire,  and 
with  a  turkey  over  his  shoulder,  a  string  of  fish  in  one 


90  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

hand  and  his  fiddle  under  his  arm,  he  entered  their 
camp.  He  probably  never  realized  that  his  good  inten- 
tions had  led  him  into  the  hands  of  the  Harpes.  They 
stabbed  him,  cut  open  his  body,  filled  it  with  stones  and 
threw  it  into  the  river.  [12F]  Some  of  Stump's  neigh- 
bors, says  The  Kentucky  Gazette,  were  suspected  of 
having  committed  the  murder  and  were  taken  into 
custody,  but  an  investigation  proved  their  innocence 
and  also  proved  beyond  all  doubt  that  the  Harpes  were 
the  perpetrators  of  the  crime. 

The  criminals  continued  their  raid  down  Barren 
River  into  the  lower  Green  River  country  to  a  point 
near  Henderson,  Kentucky,  and  then,  either  by  land 
or  water,  rapidly  worked  their  way  to  Diamond  Island 
in  the  Ohio  and  to  Cave-in-Rock,  in  or  near  any  of 
which  places  they  evidently  had  arranged  to  meet  their 
women. 

How  many  men,  women,  and  children  these  two 
brothers  killed  and  what  course  they  followed  while 
rushing  through  the  lower  Green  River  country  and 
the  Ohio  Valley  between  Henderson  and  Cave-in-Rock 
will  never  be  known.  Shortly  before  reaching  the 
Cave,  they  committed  a  murder  in  Illinois  at  the  mouth 
of  Saline  River,  about  twelve  miles  above  Cave-in- 
Rock.  Twenty-six  years  later  this  incident  was  briefly 
summed  up  in  the  Illinois  Gazette,  published  at  Shaw- 
neetown:  "There  are  persons  living  in  this  country 
whom  we  have  heard  recount  the  story  of  the  Harpes 
with  great  minuteness,  and  the  place  is  still  pointed 
out,  on  the  plantation  of  Mr.  Potts,  near  the  mouth  of 
the  Saline  River,  where  they  shot  two  or  three  persons 
in  cold  blood  by  the  fire  where  they  had  encamped." 

[56] 


Renewal  of  the  Terror  91 

The  many  reports  -  some  false  and  others  only  too 
true  -  of  the  inhuman  acts  committed  by  the  Harpes 
had,  in  the  meantime,  put  every  community  on  its 
guard.  Captain  Ballenger,  after  pursuing  the  outlaws 
a  few  weeks,  found  that,  owing  to  the  many  conflicting 
rumors,  he  had  been  thrown  off  the  trail  and  was  mov- 
ing in  a  direction  opposite  the  one  taken  by  the  Harpes 
and,  therefore,  he  gave  up  the  chase. 

Captain  Young,  of  Mercer  County,  in  the  meantime 
organized  a  company  with  the  determination  to  ex- 
terminate the  Harpes  and  all  other  outlaws,  or  at  least 
drive  them  out  of  the  country.  Commenting  on  Cap- 
tain Young's  expedition,  Edmund  L.  Starling,  author 
of  A  History  of  Henderson  County,  Kentucky,  writes : 
"Captain  Young  and  his  men  recognized  the  perils  of 
their  undertaking;  they  understood  the  wily  machina- 
tions of  the  enemy,  and,  with  blood  for  blood  emblaz- 
oned upon  their  banner,  started  upon  their  mission  of 
capture  or  death,  utterly  regardless  of  their  own  per- 
sonal comforts  or  the  hardships  attending  a  campaign 
in  such  a  wild  and  comparatively  unmarked  country." 

Having  met  with  success  in  Mercer,  Captain  Young 
and  his  men  continued  their  pursuit  and  finally  reached 
Henderson  County.  There  they  were  joined  by  a  num- 
ber of  citizens.  The  combined  forces  swept  over  the 
entire  country,  including  Diamond  Island,  driving  the 
outlaws  out  of  that  part  of  Kentucky  across  the  Ohio 
River  into  Illinois.  A  number  of  the  criminals  fled  to 
Cave-in-Rock.  The  character  of  the  men  who  usually 
centered  at  the  Cave  was  well  known  to  the  refugees,  for 
many  of  them  had  helped  to  make  the  place  notorious. 

Captain  Young  and  his  outlaw  exterminators  having 
covered  the  territory  they  set  out  to  relieve,  left  Hen- 


92  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

derson  County  and  returned  to  Mercer  County  -  a  dis- 
tance of  more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  -  and 
were  there  given  a  grand  ovation.  [124] 

Governor  Garrard,  however,  must  have  felt  some- 
what apprehensive  regarding  the  return  of  the  Harpes, 
for  the  Executive  Journal  shows  that  on  June  7  he 
"deputed  Alexander  McFarland  and  brothers"  to  take 
charge  of  "these  inveterate  enemies  of  human  happi- 
ness" should  they  be  found  "in  any  adjacent  state." 

It  seems  quite  likely  that  while  in  the  Danville  jail 
the  Harpe  women,  by  some  means,  sent  a  message  to,  or 
received  one  from,  "old  man  Roberts,"  the  father-in-law 
of  Big  Harpe,  who  then  lived  in  Russell  County,  Ken- 
tucky. At  any  rate,  as  already  stated,  they  started  down 
Green  River  shortly  after  leaving  Danville.  They 
paddled  their  way  down  that  river  until  they  reached 
its  mouth,  a  distance  of  more  than  two  hundred  miles. 
After  stopping  in  the  neighborhood  of  Henderson,  they 
continued  down  the  Ohio  about  ninety  miles  to  Cave- 
in-Rock.  It  was  in  this  section  of  the  Ohio  Valley 
that  they  expected,  sooner  or  later,  to  meet  the  Harpes. 
Tradition  has  it  that  shortly  after  the  three  women  ar- 
rived at  Cave-in-Rock  two  of  them  proceeded  up  the 
river,  one  to  Diamond  Island  and  the  other  to  a  neigh- 
borhood south  of  Henderson,  while  the  third  remained 
at  the  Cave ;  and  in  this  manner  they  watchfully  awaited 
the  arrival  of  the  Harpes.  The  two  women  who  had 
been  loitering  near  Henderson  and  Diamond  Island, 
posing  under  assumed  names  as  widows,  either  had  left 
their  watching  places  voluntarily  or  were  forced  to  flee 
from  them  with  their  husbands.  At  any  rate,  they  fin- 
ally arrived  at  Cave-in-Rock  and  there,  in  a  very  short 
time,  the  two  Harpes  and  their  three  women  and  three 
children  were  once  more  united. 


Renewal  of  the  Terror  93 

As  a  result  of  Captain  Young's  raid  through  Hender- 
son County,  Cave-in-Rock  became  somewhat  crowded 
with  outlaws.  Realizing  that  their  number  was  too 
great  to  maneuver  with  any  secrecy  and  safety,  many 
left  the  place  voluntarily,  some  continuing  down  the 
river,  others  working  their  way  inland,  and  a  few  re- 
maining "to  pursue  their  nefarious  avocation."  [124] 

The  Harpes,  however,  were  driven  from  the  Cave. 
This  aggregation  of  outlaws  was  doubtless  a  depraved 
conglomeration  of  evil  doers,  but  in  the  Harpes  they 
found  two  human  brutes  beyond  even  their  toleration. 

There  is  a  tradition  to  the  effect  that  the  Harpes  had 
been  at  the  Cave  only  a  few  days  when  they  brazenly 
related  the  performance  of  an  act  which,  to  their  sur- 
prise, was  not  cheered  by  their  companions.  A  flatboat 
had  come  down  the  river  and  its  passengers,  not  realiz- 
ing they  were  near  the  famous  rendezvous  of  outlaws, 
landed  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  above  the  Cave  at  the 
foot  of  a  small  bluff,  later  known  as  Cedar  Point. 
Among  the  travelers  on  board  were  a  young  man  and 
his  sweetheart  who,  while  their  companions  were  mak- 
ing some  repairs  to  the  boat,  strolled  to  the  top  of  the 
cliff  and  there  sat  down  upon  a  rock.  The  view  from 
that  point  is  still  beautiful  and  was  probably  even 
more  so  in  primeval  days.  While  the  two  lovers  were 
sitting  on  the  edge  of  the  cliff  with  their  backs  to  the 
wild  woods  behind  them,  leisurely  considering  the 
landscape,  or  the  life  before  them,  the  two  Harpes 
quietly  approached  from  the  forest  and,  without  a  word 
of  warning,  pushed  the  lovers  off  the  cliff.  They  fell 
on  a  sandy  beach  forty  feet  below  and,  to  the  surprise 
of  all,  escaped  unhurt.  The  Harpes  returned  to  the 
Cave,  and,  as  already  stated,  boasted,  but  without  the 
expected  effect,  of  the  prank  they  had  played. 


94  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

Shortly  after  this,  two  families,  carrying  a  supply  of 
tools  and  provisions,  were  floating  down  the  Ohio  in  a 
flatboat,  intending  to  settle  in  Smithland,  but  when  they 
came  near  Cave-in-Rock  they  were  captured  and 
robbed  by  the  outlaws.  The  two  or  three  passengers 
who  were  not  killed  in  the  battle  preceding  the  robbery, 
were  brought  ashore.  The  Harpes,  seeing  an  oppor- 
tunity to  give  their  fellow  criminals  an  exhibition  of 
brutality,  stripped  one  of  the  captives,  tied  him  to  a 
blindfolded  horse  and  led  the  animal  to  the  top  of  the 
bluff  over  the  Cave.  By  wild  shouts  and  other  means 
the  horse  was  frightened  and  at  the  same  time  forced 
to  run  toward  the  edge  of  the  cliff,  and  before  long  the 
blindfolded  animal  with  the  naked  man  tied  on  its 
back  ran  off  the  bluff  and  fell  a  distance  of  more  than 
one  hundred  feet  to  the  rough  and  rocky  shore  below. 
Then  the  Harpes  pointed  to  the  mangled  remains  of 
man  and  horse  as  evidence  of  another  triumph  over  law 
and  order.  Their  fellow  cave  dwellers  probably  had 
never  seen  such  a  sight  before  and  evidently  did  not 
care  to  witness  one  again.  It  is  likely  that  only  sympa- 
thy for  their  women  and  babies  saved  the  Harpes  from 
death  at  the  hands  of  the  other  outlaws.  All  the  Harpes 
left  the  Cave  at  once. 

It  is  probable  that  their  hasty  departure  took  place 
some  time  in  May,  1799.  Neither  history  nor  tradi- 
tion tells  in  what  direction  they  fled.  The  people  of 
Kentucky  doubtless  concluded  that  since  they  had 
driven  these  outlaws  across  the  Ohio  into  Illinois,  they 
would  continue  their  flight  north  or  proceed  by  flatboat 
to  some  section  along  the  lower  Mississippi. 

About  the  middle  of  July  east  Tennessee  was  shocked 
to  hear  of  the  cruel  murder  of  a  farmer  named  Brad- 
bury, who  was  killed  along  the  road  in  Roane  County, 


Renewal  of  the  Terror  95 

about  twenty-five  miles  west  of  Knoxville  on  what  has 
since  been  known  as  Bradbury's  Ridge.  [21]  The 
Harpes  were  not  suspected  of  the  crime,  for  the  impres- 
sion prevailed  that  they  had  fled  permanently  and,  al- 
though their  whereabouts  was  unknown,  it  not  only 
seemed  quite  improbable  but  almost  impossible  that 
they  had  returned  in  so  short  a  time.  It  soon  developed, 
•however,  that  they  actually  had  made  their  appearance 
again,  for  a  few  days  later- July  22,  1799 -they  mur- 
dered a  young  son  of  Chesley  Coffey,  on  Black  Oak 
Ridge,  about  eight  miles  northwest  of  Knoxville.  One 
version  has  it  that  the  boy  was  hunting  strayed  cows 
and  while  in  the  woods  was  slain  by  the  Harpes,  who 
took  his  gun  and  the  shoes  he  wore,  and  left  his  body 
lying  under  a  tree.  [12G]  Another  account  is  that 
"Young  Coffey  was  riding  along  the  road  one  evening 
to  get  a  fiddle.  These  terrible  men  smeared  a  tree  with 
his  brains,  making  out  that  his  horse  had  run  against 
the  tree."  [63] 

Two  days  later  they  killed  a  man  named  William 
Ballard,  who  lived  within  a  few  miles  of  Knoxville. 
"They  cut  him  open  and,  putting  stones  in  his  body, 
sank  it  in  the  river."  [63]  It  was  believed  by  the  neigh- 
bors that  the  Harpes  mistook  Ballard  for  Hugh  Dun- 
lap,  who  had  been  active  in  endeavoring  to  arrest  them 
the  year  before.  [21] 

The  Harpes  continued  their  course  northward.  They 
crossed  Emery  River,  near  what  is  now  Harriman 
Junction,  and,  while  their  women  were  resting  for  a 
few  days  in  some  secluded  spot,  the  two  men  skirmished 
alone  in  Morgan  County.  On  July  29,  on  the  spur  of  a 
mountain  since  known  as  Brassel's  Knob,  they  met 
James  and  Robert  Brassel.  James  Brassel  was  afoot 
and  carried  a  gun ;  Robert  was  on  horseback  and  un- 


96  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

armed.  The  Harpes,  who  were  riding  good  horses, 
pretended  to  be  in  a  hurry,  but  seeming  to  have  a  desire 
to  comply  with  the  custom  of  civilized  travelers,  slowed 
up  and  saluted  the  men  with  the  question:  "What's  the 
news?"  The  Brassels  related  in  detail  an  account  of 
the  murder  of  William  Ballard  and  young  Coffey.  The 
Harpes  replied  that  they  had  not  only  heard  of  these 
tragedies,  but  that  they  were  now  in  pursuit  of  the  men 
who  had  committed  the  crimes.  They  further  asserted 
that  they  were  going  to  wait  for  the  rest  of  the  pursuing 
party  which  was  coming  on  behind,  and  requested  the 
Brassels  to  join  them  when  the  reinforcements  arrived. 
To  this  the  two  innocent  brothers  willingly  agreed. 
They  had  no  more  than  done  so  when  Big  Harpe, 
accusing  them  of  being  the  Harpe  brothers,  seized 
James  Brassel's  gun,  threw  it  on  the  ground  and  imme- 
diately began  tying  his  hands  and  feet.  Robert,  suspect- 
ing that  he  and  his  brother  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of 
the  dreaded  Harpes  themselves,  jumped  from  his  horse 
and  attempted  to  obtain  his  brother's  gun  in  an  effort  to 
rescue  him.  In  this  he  failed  and,  realizing  that  his 
only  hope  of  escape  was  flight,  he  ran  into  the  woods, 
leaving  his  horse  behind.  He  was  pursued  by  Little 
Harpe,  whom  he  succeeded  in  outrunning,  and,  al- 
though shot  at,  he  was  unhurt. 

Robert  continued  his  flight  about  ten  miles  when  he 
met  a  Mr.  Dale,  who,  with  two  or  three  other  men  and 
Mrs.  Dale,  was  traveling  toward  Knoxville.  He  per- 
suaded them  to  return  with  him  to  the  place  where  he 
had  left  his  brother.  The  men  had  only  one  gun  among 
them  for  their  protection;  nevertheless  they  tried  to 
help  the  bewildered  man.  When  they  reached  the  spot 
in  the  woods  a  short  distance  from  the  road  where 
Robert  had  left  his  brother,  they  were  horrified  to  find 


Renewal  of  the  Terror  97 

that  James  was  not  only  dead,  but  that  his  body  had 
been  "much  beaten  and  his  throat  cut."  His  gun  was 
broken  to  pieces.  The  tracks  indicated  that  the  two 
Harpes  had  gone  toward  Knoxville,  from  which  direc- 
tion they  were  coming  when  they  overtook  the  Brassel 
brothers.  After  the  pursuers  had  followed  the  tracks 
a  few  miles,  they  were  much  surprised  to  find  them- 
selves running  upon  the  Harpes  coming  back.  At  the 
time  the  two  Brassels  were  attacked  by  the  Harpes  the 
outlaws  were  alone  and  had  with  them  nothing  but  their 
guns.  But  now,  on  their  return,  they  were  accompanied 
by  their  women  and  children,  heavily  loaded  with 
clothing  and  provisions,  apparently  prepared  for  a  long 
journey  and  for  battle  and  siege. 

When  this  fierce  procession  of  men  and  women  on 
horseback  came  in  sight,  one  of  Dale's  men  suggested 
that  if  the  approaching  cavalcade  showed  no  signs  of 
fight,  no  effort  to  arrest  them  should  be  made.  This  im- 
mediately met  with  the  approval  of  the  majority.  No 
attempt  to  fight  was  made.  The  murderers,  in  the  words 
of  Colonel  Trabue,  "looked  very  awful  at  them"  and 
then  passed  on.  The  pursuers,  too,  continued  their 
journey  for  a  while  in  silence,  lest  any  words  they 
should  utter  might  be  overheard  and  mistaken  by  the 
Harpes  as  a  threat.  Robert  Brassel  complained  bit- 
terly of  the  lack  of  courage  displayed  by  the  men  he 
had  relied  upon  to  help  capture  or  kill  the  murderers 
of  his  brother.  [63] 

Thus,  uninterrupted,  the  two  Harpes  and  their 
wives,  with  their  stolen  horses  and  other  plunder,  and 
with  an  ever-increasing  desire  to  shed  blood,  continued 
their  expedition  to  Kentucky.  Somewhere  near  the 
Tennessee-Kentucky  line,  either  in  what  is  now  Pickett 
County,  Tennessee,  or  Clinton  County,  Kentucky,  they 


98  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

killed  John  Tully,  who  lived  in  that  section  of  Cumber- 
land County  which  in  1835  became  a  part  of  Clinton 
County. 

In  the  meantime  citizens  of  east  Tennessee  were 
alarmed.  They  now  fully  realized  that  the  Harpes  had 
actually  returned  and  were  likely  to  appear  any  day  in 
any  neighborhood.  Every  man  carried  his  gun,  his 
dirk,  or  carving  knife,  and  made  every  preparation  to 
slay  the  monsters. 

Robert  Brassel  resumed  his  pursuit  of  the  Harpes 
and  was  soon  joined  by  William  Wood  and  others. 
When  they  arrived  near  the  farm  of  John  Tully  they 
met  Nathaniel  Stockton  and  a  number  of  neighbors 
looking  for  Tully,  who  they  supposed  was  lost  in  the 
woods.  The  search  continued  and  "near  the  road  they 
found  Mr.  Tully,  killed,  and  hidden  under  a  log."  [63] 
The  company  buried  him  and  some  of  the  men  agreed 
they  would  pursue  the  murderers.10 

Immediately  after  it  was  discovered  that  Tully  had 
been  murdered,  William  Wood  and  Nathaniel  Stock- 
ton started  afoot  to  Colonel  Daniel  Trabue's  farm,  a 
distance  of  forty  miles.  They  suspected  that  because 
Colonel  Trabue  had  been  active  in  the  pursuit  of  the 
Harpes  after  his  son  had  been  murdered,  the  monsters 

10  A  special  act  of  the  Kentucky  legislature  was  passed  and  approved 
December  18,  1800,  for  the  relief  of  the  widow  of  John  Tully,  extending  the 
statutory  time  of  payment  for  lands  taken  up  by  him  on  the  south  side  of 
Green  River  under  a  settlement  act  and  exempting  her  in  the  interval  from 
paying  interest.  The  extension  was  given  until  December  1,  1810.  The 
preamble  of  the  act  recites  its  enactment  because  "Tully  .  .  .  having  ob- 
tained a  certificate  for  a  settlement  of  two  hundred  acres  of  land  .  .  .  having 
settled  on  said  land,  was  assassinated  by  the  murderers  called  Harpes,  and 
consequently  left  his  wife,  Christiana  Tully,  a  desolate  widow  with  eight 
small  children."  This  is  a  notable  instance  of  pioneer  liberality  and  sym- 
pathy for  a  widow  in  distress,  particularly  in  spite  of  the  fact  that,  according 
to  Colonel  Trabue,  Tully  not  only  knew  the  Harpes,  but  also,  less  than  a 
year  before  they  murdered  him,  had  carried  messages  to  them  from  the 
Harpe  women  when  the  outlaws  were  making  for  Cave-in-Rock. 


Renewal  of  the  Terror  99 

were  on  their  way  to  his  home  and  store  and  might  be 
captured  there.  They  related  to  the  Colonel  the  details 
of  the  crimes  the  Harpes  had  recently  committed  and 
he,  before  they  had  finished,  decided  to  forward  the 
news  to  the  governor  of  Kentucky.  In  order  to  impress 
the  governor  with  the  fact  that  the  report  was  not  an- 
other wild  rumor,  Colonel  Trabue,  who  was  a  justice  of 
the  peace  in  Green  County,  prepared  a  written  state- 
ment, giving  a  brief  account  of  the  recent  acts  of  the 
Harpes,  as  related  to  him  by  Nathaniel  Stockton  and 
William  Wood,  and  forwarded  it  to  him  in  the  form  of 
an  affidavit.  [63] 

This  sworn  statement,  consisting  of  about  five  hun- 
dred words,  was  published  in  the  Kentucky  Gazette  on 
August  15,  1799.  From  it  some  of  the  details  of  the 
three  crimes  just  related  were  taken.  It  begins  with  the 
declaration:  "About  the  middle  of  July  there  was  a 
man  killed  by  the  name  of  Hardin,  about  three  miles 
below  Knoxville:  he  was  ripped  open  and  stones  put 
in  his  belly,  and  he  was  thrown  into  Holston  River." 
After  briefly  noting  the  circumstances  and  the  exact 
date  of  the  killing  of  Coffey,  James  Brassel,  and  John 
Tully,  it  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  night  after 
the  Harpes  murdered  Tully  "they  passed  by  old  Mr. 
Stockton's  going  toward  their  father's-in-law,  old  Mr. 
Roberts."  A  point  of  great  human  interest  is  the  con- 
cise and  vivid  description  of  the  two  Harpes  given  in 
the  affidavit  prepared  by  Colonel  Trabue:  "The  big 
man  is  pale,  dark,  swarthy,  bushy  hair,  had  a  reddish 
gun  stock  -  the  little  man  had  a  blackish  gunstock,  with 
a  silver  star  with  four  straight  points  -  they  had  short 
sailor's  coats,  very  dirty,  and  grey  greatcoats." 

Colonel  Trabue,  in  his  Autobiography,  does  not  give 
a  copy  of  his  affidavit,  but  relative  to  it,  he  writes:  "I 


ioo  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

sent  out  that  night  for  some  neighbors  and  made  ar- 
rangements. We  sent  one  man  off  the  next  morning  by 
sunrise  to  Frankfort  to  the  Governor,  that  he  might 
have  it  published  in  the  newspapers.  Mr.  Wood's  and 
Mr.  Stockton's  statement  I  wrote  down  and  had  them 
swear  to  it,  what  they  knew  of  their  own  knowledge 
and  what  Robert  Brassel  had  told  them.  I  sent  another 
man  down  to  Yellow  Banks  [should  read  Red  Banks] 
to  General  Samuel  Hopkins  with  the  news  and  the  state- 
ment. I  directed  the  men  to  go  as  fast  as  they  could, 
and  spread  the  news  as  they  went;  it  was  also  immedi- 
ately put  in  the  newspapers.  The  man  I  sent  to  General 
Hopkins  was  John  Ellis.  As  he  went  on  he  spread  the 
news.  He  happened  to  go  the  same  route  the  Harpes 
had  taken.  When  they  heard  of  him  they  pursued  and 
tried  to  overtake  him.  Ellis  had  a  good  horse  and  went 
sixty  or  seventy  miles  a  day.  The  whole  state  got  in  a 
great  uproar,  because  it  was  uncertain  which  route  the 
murderers  would  take." 

The  two  messengers  sent  by  Colonel  Trabue  rode 
over  trails  that  wound  through  a  sparsely  populated 
wilderness  where  danger  in  one  form  or  another  was 
likely  to  be  encountered  at  any  moment.  One  rider 
dashed  in  a  northerly  direction  about  ninety  miles, 
while  the  other  rushed  westward  twice  that  distance. 
Each  "spread  the  news"  along  his  route,  and  from 
every  settlement  he  passed,  the  report  -"The  Harpes  are 
here"- was  hurriedly  sent  out.  The  warning,  in  com- 
paratively little  time,  reached  practically  every  family 
in  Kentucky  and  many  in  Tennessee.  The  press  verified 
the  reports  and  soon  the  people  saw  for  themselves  in 
"black  and  white,"  which  was  then  considered  the  garb 
of  "gospel  truth,"  that  the  Harpes  had  returned  to  Ken- 


Renewal  of  the  Terror  101 

tucky  and  were  guilty  of  crimes  even  more  brutal  than 
any  heretofore  perpetrated. 

The  Frankfort  Palladium,  on  August  15,  1799,  pub- 
lished the  names  of  four  men  and  on  what  day  in  July 
each  was  killed  by  the  Harpes,  and  concludes  its  para- 
graph with  the  statement  that  "we  are  happy  to  hear 
they  are  closely  pursued  and  sincerely  hope  they  will 
ere  long  meet  the  punishment  which  the  atrocity  of 
their  crimes  demands."  The  Western  Spy  and  Hamil- 
ton Gazette,  of  Cincinnati,  on  September  3  published  a 
Frankfort  news  item  giving  practically  the  same  facts 
and  expressing  the  same  hope. 

Such  widespread  terror  and  fear  as  was  aroused  by 
the  raid  of  the  Harpes  found  expression,  no  doubt,  not 
only  in  the  Kentucky  Gazette  and  the  Palladium,  but 
in  all  the  papers  published  in  Kentucky  and  Tennessee. 
Stewart's  Kentucky  Herald,  of  Lexington,  the  Mirror, 
of  Washington,  Mason  County,  Kentucky,  and  the  Ga- 
zette and  the  Impartial  Observer,  both  of  Knoxville, 
Tennessee,  were  in  existence  at  the  time.  Careful  re- 
search in  these  four  papers  has  failed  to  reveal  any  allu- 
sion to  the  Harpes,  for  the  copies  available  are  of  other 
dates  than  those  likely  to  mention  these  outlaws  in  their 
presentation  of  current  events.  It  is  possible  that  a 
number  of  current  newspapers  in  the  east  and  south 
printed  more  or  less  about  the  Harpes  and  thus  warned 
the  people  of  the  possibility  of  their  sudden  appearance. 
As  we  shall  see  later,  the  Carolina  Gazette,  of  Charles- 
ton, South  Carolina,  in  its  issue  of  October  24,  1799, 
devoted  twenty-five  lines  to  the  Harpes.  This  story,  in 
all  probability,  was  not  its  first  and  only  paragraph 
relative  to  them. 

Although  the  alarm  was  being  spread  by  the  people 


102  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

and  the  press,  and  many  a  man  had  prepared  to  slay  the 
outlaws,  the  report  of  the  latest  butchery  was  soon  fol- 
lowed by  another.  The  day  after  Colonel  Trabue  sent 
the  messengers  to  Frankfort  and  Henderson,  the  Harpes 
traveled  up  Marrowbone  Creek  and,  about  twenty-five 
miles  south  of  Colonel  Trabue's  home,  stopped  at  an 
out-of-the-way  place  on  which  John  Graves  and  his 
thirteen-year-old  son  were  cultivating  a  crop  and  mak- 
ing preparations  for  the  rest  of  the  family  to  join  them. 

[63] 

The  Harpes  arrived  at  their  cabin  late  in  the  evening 
and  got  permission  to  spend  the  night.  "Early  in  the 
morning,  probably  before  the  Graveses  awoke,  they, 
with  Graves'  own  axe,  split  the  heads  of  both  open  and 
threw  the  bodies  of  both  in  to  the  brush  fence  that  sur- 
rounded the  house."  "There  they  lay,"  writes  Draper, 
in  one  of  his  note  books,  "until  some  one,  seeing  so 
many  buzzards  around,  made  an  investigation  and  dis- 
covered what  had  taken  place."  [12E]  This  tragedy  was 
announced  in  the  Palladium  of  August  22,  in  a  para- 
graph quoted  from  the  Guardian  of  Freedom,  Frank- 
fort, Kentucky.  The  statement  then  published  is  an- 
other verification  of  the  notes  made  by  Draper  many 
years  later. 

From  the  Graves  cabin  they  traveled  north  twenty 
miles  or  more  into  Russell  County  to  the  home  of  old 
man  Roberts,  the  reputed  father  of  the  two  women  Big 
Harpe  claimed  as  wives.  The  only  reference  to  this 
"old  Mr.  Roberts"  is  in  Colonel  Trabue's  affidavit  sent 
to  the  Governor  of  Kentucky  in  August,  1799.  Local 
tradition  has  nothing  to  say  about  Roberts -when  he 
came  or  left,  or  where  his  cabin  stood.  Evidently  he 
was  still  living  in  Russell  County  in  1802,  for  in  No- 
vember of  that  year  Reverend  Jacob  Young,  a  Metho- 


Renewal  of  the  Terror  103 

dist  preacher,  met  "a  brother-in-law  of  the  infamous 
Micajah  Harpe,"  who,  although  his  name  is  not  stated 
in  the  preacher's  autobiography,  must  have  been  a  son 
of  the  "old  Mr.  Roberts"  in  order  to  qualify  for  the 
connection.  At  any  rate,  two  of  the  Harpe  women  were 
doubtless  invited  by  their  father  to  remain  with  him. 
If,  however,  such  an  invitation  was  not  extended,  the 
women  would  have  appealed  to  him  for  help  had  they 
been  inclined  to  reform,  and  he,  as  many  other  fathers 
would  have  done,  might  have  consented  to  make  an 
effort  to  lead  them  from  the  vile  associations  into  which 
they  had  fallen.  What  these  two  daughters  might  and 
should  have  done  they  failed  to  do.  They  clung  to 
their  companions  in  crime  and  with  them  fled  westward 
south  of  Green  River  toward  Mammoth  Cave  and  Rus- 
sellville. 

While  on  the  way  the  Harpes  killed  a  little  girl  and 
a  negro  boy.  Writers  do  not  agree  as  to  just  where  and 
when  these  two  murders  took  place.  It  is  likely  they 
were  enacted  while  the  Harpes  were  going  to  Logan 
County  and  that  they  led  up  to  a  third  child-murder 
even  more  inhuman.  The  first  of  these  tragedies,  as 
briefly  related  by  Breazeale,  is  that  "they  met  with  a 
negro  boy  going  to  mill,  dashed  the  boy's  brains  out 
against  a  tree,  but  left  the  horse  and  bag  of  grain  un- 
touched." The  other  recorded  by  Collins  is  equally 
brief :  "One  of  their  victims  was  a  little  girl  found  at 
some  distance  from  her  home,  whose  tender  age  and 
helplessness  would  have  been  protection  against  any 
but  incarnate  fiends." 

They  soon  reached  Logan  County.  There,  according 
to  T.  Marshall  Smith,  they  discovered,  about  eight 
miles  from  Drumgool's  station,  now  Adairville,  the  two 
Trisword  brothers,  who  with  their  wives,  several  chil- 


104  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

dren,  and  a  few  black  servants,  were  camping  for  the 
night.  The  next  morning  before  sunrise,  while  the 
emigrants  were  still  asleep,  the  Harpes  and  two  Chero- 
kee Indians  made  a  wild  attack  on  the  tent  occupied  by 
the  travelers  and  killed  the  entire  party  except  one  of 
the  men,  who  ran  for  help.  When  the  rescuing  party 
arrived  upon  the  scene  it  found  the  ground  covered 
with  the  bodies  of  the  dead,  some  of  them  badly 
mangled.  While  several  of  the  men  were  occupied 
burying  the  dead,  others  were  looking  for  evidence  of 
the  direction  the  outlaws  had  taken. 

This  account,  because  it  lacks  verification,  is  not  here 
presented  as  one  true  in  its  details.  It  is  known,  how- 
ever, that  as  a  result  of  this  tragedy  or  because  of  some 
other  atrocity  committed  about  this  time  by  the  Harpes, 
William  Stewart,  sheriff  of  Logan  County,  organized 
a  party  of  about  a  dozen  men  to  search  for  the  highway- 
men. This  pursuing  party,  having  reason  to  believe 
that  the  outlaws  were  traveling  south,  rushed  toward 
the  Tennessee  line.  In  the  meantime,  however,  the  cun- 
ning Harpes  were  working  their  way  northward.  They 
stopped  a  few  hours  about  three  miles  northeast  of  Rus- 
sellville,  on  the  Samuel  Wilson  Old  Place,  about  half 
a  mile  up  Mud  River  from  what  is  now  Duncan's 
bridge  over  Mud  River  on  the  Russellville  and  Mor- 
gantown  road.  There  the  Harpes  watered  their  horses 
at  the  same  spring  that  quenched  the  thirst  of  the  hun- 
dreds of  people  who  a  few  weeks  before  attended  the 
Great  Revival  conducted  by  the  Reverends  John  and 
William  McGee  and  James  M'Gready.  Samuel  Wil- 
son, an  eye  witness,  in  his  description  of  this  religious 
meeting,  says :  "Fires  were  built,  cooking  begun,  and  by 
dark  candles  lighted  and  fixed  on  a  hundred  trees 
around  and  interspersing  the  ground  surrounded  by 


Renewal  of  the  Terror  105 

tents,  showing  forth  the  first,  and  as  I  believe  still,  one 
of  the  most  beautiful  camp  meetings  the  world  has  ever 
seen."  This  was  one  of  the  first  of  the  Great  Revival 
meetings  that  so  spontaneously  stirred  what  was  then 
called  the  West.  The  Harpes  doubtless  knew  or  in- 
ferred from  the  condition  of  the  place  that  it  had  been 
used  recently  for  religious  purposes.  [121] 

The  Harpe  men  had  no  patience  with  their  children 
and  often  reprimanded  the  three  women,  declaring  that 
the  crying  infants  would  some  day  be  the  means  of  pur- 
suers detecting  their  presence.  They  frequently  threat- 
ened to  kill  them.  To  protect  their  babies,  the  mothers 
many  a  night  went  apart,  carrying  their  children  suf- 
ficiently far  away  to  prevent  their  cries  being  heard  by 
the  unnatural  fathers.  But  the  long-feared  threat  was 
at  last  carried  out.  [12F] 

It  is  a  strange  sequence  of  events  that  on  this  same 
camp  ground  and  almost  immediately  after  the  Great 
Revival,  one  of  the  Harpes  killed  his  own  child  in  the 
presence  of  its  mother.  A  large  maple  tree  still  marks 
the  spot  near  which  this  deed  was  enacted. 

The  details  of  this  murder  as  given  today  by  tradition 
are  practically  the  same  as  those  published  by  T.  Mar- 
shall Smith:  "Big  Harpe  snatched  it -Susan's  infant, 
about  nine  months  old  -  from  its  mother's  arms,  slung 
it  by  the  heels  against  a  large  tree  by  the  path-side,  and 
literally  bursting  its  head  into  a  dozen  pieces,  threw  it 
from  him  as  far  as  his  great  strength  enabled  him,  into 
the  woods."  This  terrible  tragedy  is  briefly  referred  to 
by  Hall  and  Breazeale,  both  of  whom  state  that  Big 
Harpe,  just  before  his  death,  declared  he  regretted  none 
of  the  many  murders  he  had  committed  except  "the 
killing  of  his  own  child." 

The  traditions  of  today  and  the  three  early  writers 


io6  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

just  referred  to  are  probably  wrong  as  to  the  kinship 
that  existed  between  the  murdered  child  and  its  mur- 
derer. Draper,  in  his  sketch  of  the  Harpes,  gives  a 
more  flexible  statement:  "Tradition  says  they  killed  one 
of  their  own  children."  They  had  only  three  children 
and  all  of  them  were  born  in  the  Danville  jail.  Big 
Harpe's  boy,  born  to  Betsey,  and  his  girl,  born  to  Susan, 
lived  many  years,  as  is  shown  later.  The  child  that  was 
so  cruelly  murdered  by  Big  Harpe  could  have  been  no 
other  than  the  daughter  of  Sally,  who  had  married 
Little  Harpe.  So,  in  all  probability,  if  Big  Harpe 
committed  the  crime,  his  brother's  child  was  the  victim. 


The  Harpes-Big  Harpe's  Ride  to  Death 

Rumor  had  it  that  the  Harpes  had  left  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Russellville,  going  south,  and  were  probably 
making  their  way  to  west  Tennessee.  In  the  meantime, 
however,  two  small  families  had  wandered  into  Hen- 
derson County,  Kentucky,  and  were  living  in  a  rented 
cabin  on  a  small  farm  on  Canoe  Creek,  some  eight  miles 
south  of  Red  Banks  or  Henderson.  About  twenty  miles 
southwest  of  this  point,  near  the  headwaters  of  High- 
land Creek,  were  Robertson's  Lick  and,  west  of  it, 
Highland  Lick.  A  few  miles  east  of  these,  near  the 
present  town  of  Sebree,  was  Knob  Lick. 

The  Highland  Lick  road  and  a  few  trails  led  to  these 
salt  licks,  and,  because  of  these  roads  and  the  salt  wells 
with  their  "salt  works,"  many  pioneers  considered 
the  section  a  very  desirable  one  in  which  to  live.  Set- 
tlers were  constantly  coming  for  a  bushel  or  two  of  salt 
and  then  returning  home.  The  coming  and  going  of 
people  therefore  attracted  less  attention  along  the  High- 
land Lick  road  and  its  by-paths  than  in  most  other 
sections.  And  since  only  a  few  months  before  about 
fifteen  outlaws  had  been  killed  in  Henderson  County, 
and  all  the  others  had  been  driven  out  [124]  there  was 
little  likelihood  of  undesirable  persons  appearing  on 
the  scene.  Principally  for  this  reason,  the  two  small 
families  of  recent  arrivals  on  Canoe  Creek  attracted  no 
particular  attention,  and  least  of  all  were  they  suspected 
of  being  notorious  criminals.  A  good  description  of 
the  Harpes  was  in  wide  circulation,  and  through  Gen- 


108  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

eral  Hopkins  they  became  especially  well  known  in 
the  lower  Green  River  country.  The  return  of  the 
Harpes  seemed  as  improbable  as  a  second  bolt  of  light- 
ning in  the  same  spot. 

John  Slover  lived  about  a  mile  from  the  cabin  rented 
by  the  new  arrivals,  but  had  seen  them  only  once  or 
twice  and  then  from  a  distance.  Slover's  career  as  an 
Indian  fighter  in  eastern  Kentucky  was  well  known  to 
his  friends  and  acquaintances  and  was  often  the  subject 
of  discussion  at  fireside  talks.  In  fact,  his  escape  from 
Indian  captivity  was  so  singular  and  romantic  that  John 
A.  McClung  devoted  a  whole  chapter  to  it  when,  in 
1832,  he  published  his  Sketches  of  Western  Adventure. 

One  day  Slover  was  hunting  near  Robertson's  Lick, 
writes  Draper  in  his  "Sketch  of  the  Harpes,"  and,  after 
killing  a  bear  in  the  woods,  returned  to  a  path  leading 
homeward.  While  leisurely  riding  along  he  heard  the 
snap  of  a  gun  that  failed  to  fire.  Quickly  turning  in 
the  direction  of  the  sound  he  recognized  his  two  new 
neighbors,  well-armed  and  wilder  looking  than  Indians 
in  battle.  Comprehending  the  great  danger  of  an  en- 
counter with  two  fierce  men  apparently  prepared  for 
murder,  the  experienced  Indian  fighter  put  spurs  to  his 
horse  and  escaped.  Slover  reported  this  experience  to 
some  of  his  friends  and  ventured  the  opinion  that  the 
two  men  were  the  Harpes.  None  doubted  that  an  un- 
successful attempt  had  been  made  to  shoot  him  but,  on 
the  other  hand,  none  agreed  with  him  that  the  Harpes 
had  returned  and  were  loitering  around  the  licks. 

A  day  or  two  later  a  man  named  Trowbridge  left 
Robertson's  Lick  to  carry  some  salt  to  a  farm  on  the 
Ohio  near  the  mouth  of  Highland  Creek.  Trowbridge 
never  returned,  and  his  disappearance  remained  a  mys- 
tery until  a  few  months  later  when  one  of  the  Harpe 


Big  Harpe's  Ride  to  Death  109 

women  made  known  the  facts.  Trowbridge  was  killed 
by  the  Harpes  about  eight  miles  above  the  mouth  of 
Highland  Creek  and  his  body  sunk  in  the  stream. 

When  General  Hopkins  received  a  report  of  Slover's 
narrow  escape,  although  doubting  the  presence  of  the 
Harpes,  he  detailed  a  number  of  men  to  watch  the 
place  on  Canoe  Creek.  While  loitering  around  their 
cabin  the  Harpes  evidently  not  only  wore  clothes  dif- 
ferent from  those  in  which  they  were  seen  by  Slover, 
but  also  managed  to  change  their  general  appearance 
to  such  an  extent  that  Slover,  inspecting  them  from  a 
distance,  did  not  recognize  the  two  men  as  the  same 
who  had  attempted  to  shoot  him.  The  women  were 
nowhere  seen  by  the  spies,  for,  as  learned  later,  they 
were  waiting  for  the  Harpes  to  meet  them  at  some 
designated  place  and  time.  The  guards,  after  watching 
the  house  about  a  week  without  results,  quietly  returned 
to  their  homes,  not  realizing  that  the  two  suspected  men 
were  aware  of  their  movements. 

The  next  day  the  Harpes  started  toward  the  hiding 
place  of  their  women  and  children.  They  traveled 
south  about  fifteen  miles  to  the  home  of  James  Tomp- 
kins on  Deer  Creek,  not  far  from  what  was  then  known 
as  Steuben's  Lick,  near  which  place,  according  to  one 
tradition,  General  Steuben  of  Revolutionary  fame  was 
wounded,  some  fifteen  years  before,  by  an  Indian.  They 
rode  good  horses.  Both  were  fairly  well  dressed  and, 
upon  meeting  Tompkins,  represented  themselves  as 
Methodist  preachers.  Their  equipment  aroused  no 
suspicion,  for  the  country  was  almost  an  unbroken  wil- 
derness and  preachers  as  well  as  most  other  pioneers, 
were  often  seen  traveling  well  armed.  Tompkins  in- 
vited them  to  supper,  and  Big  Harpe,  to  ward  off  sus- 
picion, said  a  long  grace  at  table.    In  the  course  of  their 


no  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

conversation  one  of  the  Harpes  asked  their  host  about 
his  supply  of  venison.  Tompkins,  convinced  that  he 
was  dealing  with  men  from  whom  he  had  nothing  to 
fear,  admitted  to  shooting  no  deer  lately  for  the  simple 
reason  that  his  powder  was  exhausted  and  had  been 
for  some  time.  Big  Harpe,  with  affected  generosity, 
poured  a  teacupful  from  his  powder  horn  and  pre- 
sented it  to  Tompkins.  That  same  powder,  as  we  shall 
see,  later  performed  a  most  singular  service.  [28]  Bid- 
ding their  host  a  farewell,  ministerial  in  its  pretense, 
the  two  desperadoes,  pretending  to  have  an  engage- 
ment some  miles  south,  took  the  trail  in  that  direction. 

That  same  evening,  however,  they  made  their  ap- 
pearance on  the  farm  of  Squire  Silas  McBee,  one-half 
mile  northwest  of  Tompkins'  place.  Squire  McBee 
was  a  justice  of  the  peace  and  had  been  active  in  fight- 
ing outlaws.  The  murderers  were,  therefore,  very 
much  disposed  to  butcher  him.  It  was  early  in  the  eve- 
ning and  the  moon  was  shining  brightly  when  they 
approached  his  house.  The  Squire  kept  a  half  dozen 
dogs  for  bear  and  deer  hunting  and,  hearing  an  uproar 
among  them,  the  McBees  went  to  the  door  to  investi- 
gate the  cause.  They  saw  the  pack  fiercely  attacking 
two  men,  but,  suspecting  that  the  intruders  might  be  of 
an  unwelcome  character,  made  no  effort  to  restrain  the 
hounds.  After  a  fierce  fight  with  the  dogs,  the  Harpes 
withdrew. 

Foiled  in  their  attempt  at  Squire  McBee's,  they  pro- 
ceeded about  four  miles  northwest  and  late  that  night 
reached  the  house  of  Moses  Stegall  -  about  five  miles 
east  of  what  later  became  the  town  of  Dixon.  Stegall 
(also  spelled  Steigal,  and  various  other  ways)  was 
absent,  but  his  wife  and  their  only  child,  a  boy  of  four 
months,  were  at  home  and  had,  only  a  few  hours  before, 


Big  Harpe's  Ride  to  Death  1 1 1 

admitted  Major  William  Love,  a  surveyor,  who  had 
come  to  see  Stegall  on  business.  Mrs.  Stegall,  express- 
ing an  opinion  that  her  husband  would  return  that 
night,  invited  him  to  remain.  He  climbed  to  the  loft 
above  on  a  ladder  on  the  outside  of  the  house  and  was 
in  bed  when  the  new  arrivals  entered  the  cabin.  [57] 
Stegall  at  one  time  lived  in  Knox  County,  Tennessee, 
[21]  and  evidently  was  acquainted  with  the  Harpes,  for 
Mrs.  Stegall  knew  them  but  had  received  instructions 
from  the  Harpes  never  to  address  them  by  their  real 
names  in  the  presence  of  a  third  person.  [12E]  Major 
Love  came  down  and  met  the  two  men,  little  suspecting 
who  they  were.  In  the  conversation  that  followed  the 
murderers  themselves  inquired  about  the  Harpes  and, 
among  other  things,  stated  that,  according  to  rumor, 
the  two  outlaws  were  then  prowling  around  in  the 
neighborhood.  [27] 

Mrs.  Stegall,  having  only  the  one  spare  bed  in  the 
loft,  was  obliged  to  assign  it  to  the  three  men.  After 
Major  Love  had  fallen  asleep  one  of  the  Harpes  took 
an  axe  which  he  always  carried  in  his  belt  and,  with  a 
single  blow,  dashed  out  the  brains  of  the  sleeping  man. 
The  two  villains  then  went  down  to  Mrs.  Stegall's 
room.  She,  knowing  nothing  to  the  contrary,  presumed 
Major  Love  was  still  asleep.  While  reprimanding  her 
for  assigning  them  a  bed  with  a  man  whose  snoring 
kept  them  awake,  they  proceeded  to  murder  her  and 
her  baby.  After  gathering  some  bedding  and  clothing, 
among  which  was  Major  Love's  hat,  and  leaving  the 
three  bodies  in  the  house,  they  set  it  afire.  [27]  It  was 
soon  a  smoking  ruin.11 

11  Tradition  says  Major  William  Love's  charred  corpse  was  buried  near 
the  site  of  the  Stegall  house.  His  widow  survived  him  many  years  and  is 
buried  at  Piney  Fork  Camp  Ground,  about  six  miles  east  of  Marion,  Ken- 
tucky.    On  the  marble  slab  at  the  head  of  her  grave  is  the  inscription:  "My 


112  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

Such,  briefly,  is  the  account  of  the  killing  of  Mrs. 
Stegall  as  given  by  all  writers  who  describe  this  tragedy 
and  as  still  told  in  western  Kentucky  by  those  who  are 
familiar  with  local  traditions.  Breazeale,  however, 
published  some  details  which  are  very  characteristic 
of  the  inhumanity  of  the  Harpes,  but  which  are  not 
woven  into  any  of  the  other  versions.  They  are  prob- 
ably omitted  more  for  the  reason  that  the  accounts  are 
sufficiently  gruesome  without  them  than  because  of  the 
possibility  that  such  brutality  might  be  questioned. 

This  version  has  it  that  on  the  morning  the  two 
Harpes  burnt  Stegall's  house,  they  arose  and  asked 
Mrs.  Stegall  to  prepare  breakfast  for  them.  She  con- 
sented to  do  so,  explaining  that  since  her  child  was  not 
well  and  she  had  no  one  to  nurse  it  the  meal  would 
necessarily  be  somewhat  long  in  preparation.  The  men 
then  suggested  that  she  place  the  baby  in  the  cradle 
and  let  them  rock  it.  This  she  did.  "After  Mrs.  Stegall 
had  prepared  their  breakfast  and  the  ruthless  and  sav- 
age murderers  had  partaken  of  her  hospitality,  she 
went  to  the  cradle  to  see  if  the  child  was  asleep,  expres- 
sing some  astonishment  (as  Micajah  Harpe  acknowl- 
edged when  he  was  afterward  taken)  that  her  child 
should  remain  quiet  for  so  great  a  length  of  time  .  .  . 
She  beheld  her  tender,  harmless,  and  helpless  infant 
lying  breathless,  with  its  throat  cut  from  ear  to  ear  .  .  . 
But  the  relentless  monsters  stayed  not  their  bloody 
hands  for  the  tears  and  heart-broken  wailings  of  a  be- 
reaved mother.  They  instantly  dispatched  her,  with 
the  same  instrument  (a  butcher  knife)  with  which  they 

name  was  Esther  Love,  daughter  of  Wm.  &  Nancy  Calhoun  of  Abbeville, 
South  Carolina,  born  Sept.  30,  1765.  died  Mar.  2,  1844.  My  husband  Wm. 
Love  was  killed  by  the  Harpes  Aug.  1799.  Blessed  are  the  dead  which  die 
in  the  Lord." 


Big  Harpe  s  Ride  to  Death  113 

had  cut  the  throat  of  the  child ;  then  set  fire  to  the  house 
and  fled."  [21] 

Before  leaving  the  Stegall  farm  they  stole  Major 
Love's  horse  and  one  belonging  to  Stegall.  They  con- 
cealed themselves  along  the  road  that  ran  between  Ste- 
gall's  and  McBee's,  reasoning  that  if  the  Squire  saw 
the  light  of  the  burning  house,  he  would  hasten  there 
in  the  morning  over  this  road  and  thus  easily  become 
their  victim.  While  lying  in  wait  for  McBee,  the  out- 
laws halted  two  men  named  Hudgens  and  Gilmore,  who 
were  returning  from  Robertson's  Lick  with  packs  of 
salt.  The  Harpes  accused  them  of  murdering  the  Ste- 
gall family  and  burning  the  house.  The  charge  was 
denied,  but  when  the  two  prisoners  were  told  they  must 
appear  before  Squire  McBee  to  prove  their  innocence, 
they  willingly  submitted  to  arrest.  While  marching 
them  along,  Big  Harpe  purposely  dropped  behind  and 
shot  Gilmore  through  the  head,  killing  him  instantly. 
Hudgens,  seeing  this,  ran  away,  hoping  to  escape,  but 
was  overtaken  by  Little  Harpe,  who  snatched  from  him 
his  gun  and  with  it  beat  out  his  brains.  [12L] 

The  murderers  then  resumed  their  hiding  place, 
watching  for  the  approach  of  the  expected  McBee.  In 
the  meantime,  John  Pyles  and  four  other  men  from 
Christian  County,  returning  from  Robertson's  Lick, 
found  the  Stegall  house  a  smouldering  ruin,  with  not  a 
human  being  in  sight.  Surroundings  indicating  that 
the  disaster  was  still  unknown  in  the  neighborhood, 
they  proceeded  to  McBee  to  notify  him  of  their  discov- 
ery. They  were  unmolested  by  the  Harpes,  who  doubt- 
less felt  confident  that  the  men  would  later  return  over 
the  same  road  with  McBee  and  thus  give  them  the 
hoped  for  chance  to  shoot  the  justice  of  the  peace  from 
ambush. 


114  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

McBee  knew  nothing  of  the  fire  until  John  Pyles 
reported  it.  He  immediately  rode  to  the  home  of  Wil- 
liam Grissom  (or  Grisson)  who  lived  about  a  mile 
north  of  Stegall's.  It  so  happened  that  he  took  a  short 
trail  instead  of  the  main  road  and  thus  providentially 
escaped  the  Harpes.  He  and  Grissom,  armed  and  well 
mounted,  accompanied  by  Grissom's  family,  rode  to 
the  Stegall  home.  They  not  only  found  the  house 
burned  to  the  ground,  as  described  by  John  Pyles,  but 
also  discovered  in  the  ashes  the  half-burned  remains  of 
Mrs.  Stegall  and  Major  Love.  They  then  proceeded 
to  McBee's  house,  fortunately  taking  the  same  short  cut 
over  which  the  Squire  had  ridden  in  the  morning.  They 
had  scarcely  dismounted  when  Moses  Stegall  rode  up. 
Then,  for  the  first  time,  Stegall  heard  of  what  had  hap- 
pened to  his  family  since  he  left  home.  The  necessity 
of  organizing  a  pursuing  party  had  already  been  agreed 
upon  and  Stegall  was  sent  to  Robertson's  Lick  for  vol- 
unteers. [l2M] 

That  same  afternoon  or  night  the  Harpes  and  their 
women  and  two  children,  with  all  their  goods  and 
horses,  began  their  flight.  The  next  morning  Stegall 
returned  with  John  Leiper,  Matthew  Christian,  and 
Neville  Lindsey.  These  four,  with  Silas  McBee,  Wil- 
liam Grissom,  and  James  Tompkins,  constituted  a  party 
of  seven  daring  backwoodsmen,  who  were  prepared  to 
pursue  and  capture  the  Harpes,  regardless  of  what  dan- 
ger and  hardship  the  effort  might  involve. 

Then  began  the  chase  after  the  Harpes  -  a  chase 
made  so  cold  and  dramatic  by  its  results,  that  for  more 
than  a  century  every  minute  detail  of  it  has  been  sought 
by  historians  and  by  all  who  are  curious  about  those  full 
moments  when  life  and  death  look  each  other  in  the 
eye  with  the  event  hanging  on  the  balance  of  an  instant. 


Big  Harpe's  Ride  to  Death  115 

Various  have  been  the  accounts  printed,  nearly  all 
agreeing  in  the  main  features  but  differing  in  those 
small  details,  the  rendering  of  which  seems  to  excite  as 
it  satisfies  the  curiosity  of  the  mind.  The  most  accurate 
account  of  this  chase  of  death  was  published  in  Sep- 
tember, 1842,  in  The  Western  Literary  and  Historical 
Magazine.  It  was  prepared  by  the  distinguished  his- 
torical collector  and  author,  Lyman  C.  Draper,  who 
rendered  invaluable  service  to  western  annals  by  gather- 
ing and  preserving  more  data  pertaining  to  the  early 
history  of  the  Middle  West  than  any  other  man  of  his 
generation.  His  "Sketch  of  the  Harpes"  was  written, 
as  he  is  careful  to  explain,  after  a  long  conversation 
with  Squire  Silas  McBee  himself.  After  its  publica- 
tion the  narrative  was  submitted  for  correction  to  Squire 
McBee,  who  made  but  four  almost  immaterial  changes, 
all  of  which  are  noted  in  the  account  to  follow. 

It  is  well  at  the  outset  to  point  out  that  Silas  McBee 
was  a  man  of  education  and  wide  experience,  more 
competent  than  any  of  the  others  engaged  in  this  whirl- 
wind chase  to  observe  and  give  an  account  of  all  that 
occurred.  He  was  born  in  1765,  fought  as  a  youth  at 
King's  Mountain,  as  he  had  in  other  Revolutionary 
battles  and  Indian  wars.  He  was  a  brave  soldier,  an 
enthusiastic  hunter,  and  an  ideal  pioneer  of  public 
spirit  and  character.  In  Alabama  he  served  as  a  mem- 
ber of  its  first  legislature.  After  living  in  western  Ken- 
tucky, where  for  many  years  he  did  much  for  the  gen- 
eral good,  he  removed  to  Mississippi  and  died  there  in 
1845  at  the  age  of  eighty.  [41]  One  of  his  daughters 
was  the  wife  of  Governor  T.  M.  Tucker,  of  Missis- 
sippi, and  another  the  wife  of  United  States  Senator 
Thomas  H.  Williams,  of  the  same  state. 

Here  is  the  McBee  narrative  of  that  famous  chase: 


1 1 6  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

"Mounted,  and  equipped,  and  provisioned  for  a  few 
days,  the  little  troop  started  about  noon  on  their  expe- 
dition against  the  Harpes,  leaving  their  women  and  a 
faithful  old  negro  servant  with  a  few  guns,  to  defend 
the  temporarily  fortified  domicil  at  McBee's.  The  trail 
of  the  Harpes  was  soon  struck  south  of  the  road  leading 
to  the  Lick;  and  after  pursuing  it  a  few  miles,  a  spot 
was  reached  where  the  outlaws  had  evidently  dispersed 
a  large  drove  of  buffaloes,  with  the  design,  doubtless, 
of  so  tramping  down  and  tangling  the  wild  grass  and 
shrubbery  as  to  render  it  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  to 
discover  their  course  of  flight.  The  pursuing  party 
understood  the  stratagem,  and  though  a  little  puzzled 
at  first,  they  soon  regained  the  trail,  which,  however, 
forked  off  at  a  little  distance  -  the  party  dividing,  fol- 
lowed each  for  a  mile  or  two  when  the  elliptical  forks 
again  united.  After  this  they  had  no  difficulty  in  keep- 
ing the  path.  At  nightfall  they  halted  and  camped  on 
the  bottom  of  the  western  shore  of  Pond  River,  a  con- 
siderable tributary  of  Green  River.  Their  simple  re- 
past despatched,  and  horses  secured,  they  retired  to 
rest -the  earth  their  bed,  a  wallet  their  pillow,  and 
their  only  covering  the  broad  canopy  of  heaven.  That 
night  they  slept  with  an  eye  half  open,  but  nothing 
occurred,  save  a  smart  dash  of  rain,  to  require  particu- 
lar notice. 

"Early  the  following  morning  the  pursuit  was  re- 
sumed, fording  Pond  River  with  ease,  and  riding  on 
rapidly  till  an  hour  after  sun  up,  when  a  couple  of  dead 
dogs  were  found  in  the  trail,  recognized  as  having  be- 
longed to  the  unfortunate  Hutchins  and  Gillmore 
whom  the  Harpes  had  so  wantonly  murdered.  From 
the  fact  that  the  bodies  were  not  swollen  in  such  hot 
August  weather,  it  was  inferred  that  the  dogs  had  not 


Big  Harpe' s  Ride  to  Death  117 

long  been  killed,  and  that  the  fugitives  could  not  be 
far  ahead.  They  had  probably  killed  the  dogs  to  pre- 
vent their  barking,  and  thus  the  better  to  enable  them 
to  make  good  their  escape.  It  was  now  proposed  by 
Squire  McBee,  in  order  to  advance  with  the  least  noise, 
that  four  of  the  most  expert  footmen  should  dismount 
and  push  on  as  rapidly  as  due  regard  to  caution  would 
permit,  leaving  the  horses  for  the  remaining  three  to 
lead  along  more  leisurely,  yet  keeping  within  hailing 
distance  in  case  of  need.  Leiper,  Steigal,  Christian, 
and  Lindsay,  accordingly  went  ahead  on  foot,  while 
McBee,  Grissom,  and  Tompkins  followed  with  the 
horses  in  charge.  The  pursuit  continued  in  this  man- 
ner for  a  mile  or  so,  when,  not  finding  the  outlaws,  the 
footmen  again  mounted  their  horses,  and  all  went  on 
together.  But  a  short  time  elapsed  before  Squire  Mc- 
Bee discovered  the  ruffians  on  a  distant  hill-side,  a  strip 
of  low  land  intervening  -  both  on  foot  with  guns  in 
hand,  Big  Harpe  having  a  horse  by  his  side,  and  both 
holding  a  parley  with  a  person  on  horseback  [corrected 
by  Draper  to  afoot]  whom  they  had  apparently  just 
met.  McBee  exclaimed  'there  they  are,'  pointing  to- 
wards them,  and  at  the  same  time  putting  spurs  to  his 
horse  dashed  over  the  low  ground  and  made  for  the 
spot.  Big  Harpe  instantly  mounted  and  darted  off  in 
one  direction,  and  Little  Harpe  on  foot  in  another, 
while  the  other  individual  rode  [corrected  by  Draper 
to  ran]  rapidly  towards  McBee,  and  when  within  sixty 
or  eighty  yards  suddenly  dismounted  [Draper  elim- 
inated 'dismounted']  and  betook  himself  to  a  tree.  See- 
ing this  bellicose  demonstration  on  the  part  of  an 
armed  man,  McBee  in  the  excitement  of  the  moment, 
drew  up  his  gun,  loaded  with  two  balls,  and  'blazed 
away'  at  that  part  of  the  body  exposed  to  view,  both 


1 1 8  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

bullets  taking  effect,  one  passing  through  the  right 
thigh,  and  the  other  the  right  arm.  At  this  moment 
Steigal  recognised  the  wounded  man  as  a  settler  living 
up  Pond  River  some  two  or  three  miles;  and  perceiv- 
ing some  of  the  rest  of  the  party  in  the  act  of  levelling 
their  pieces,  Steigal  exclaimed  'don't  shoot,  it's  George 
Smith!'  The  unfortunate  man,  who  knew  Squire  Mc- 
Bee,  now  calling  him  by  name  apologised  for  his  sin- 
gular conduct  by  saying,  that  he  was  nearly  bereft  of 
his  senses,  expecting  every  moment  that  the  Harpes 
would  kill  him,  and  when  he  treed  he  had  not  recov- 
ered from  his  fright  and  was  totally  unfitted  to  per- 
ceive the  folly  and  madness  of  the  act.  Little  Harpe, 
he  said,  had  met  him  with  his  gun  in  one  hand,  and  a 
kettle  in  the  other,  going  after  water;  and  made  enquir- 
ies about  the  settlements,  speaking  in  an  elevated  tone, 
evidently  that  his  brother  might  hear  from  the  camp, 
not  more  than  eighty  rods  distant,  and  come  to  his  aid  - 
such  at  least  was  the  effect,  intentional  or  not,  for  Big 
Harpe  rode  up  and  dismounted,  and  had  been  there 
but  a  few  moments  when  McBee  and  his  party  unex- 
pectedly made  their  appearance.  Smith  desired  Squire 
McBee  to  assist  him  home,  which  with  pleasure  he  con- 
sented to  do  after  the  Harpes  were  secured.  He  re- 
deemed his  promise,  and  in  time  Smith  recovered  both 
from  his  fright  and  his  wounds  [corrected  by  Draper 
to  read:  'Smith  hobbled  home  by  himself  and  in  due 
time  etc.']. 

"After  they  broke  and  ran,  the  outlaws  were  instantly 
out  of  sight.  A  little  search  enabled  the  pursuers  to 
discover  the  camp,  which  proved  to  be  a  natural  room 
perhaps  fifteen  feet  square,  under  a  shelving  rock  pro- 
jecting from  the  cliff  of  a  ridge  facing  the  south,  with 
a  large  rock  directly  in  front,  leaving  but  a  narrow 


Big  Harpe  s  Ride  to  Death  119 

entrance  -  affording  altogether  a  very  secluded  and  safe 
retreat,  susceptible  of  easy  defence.  The  pursuing  party 
were  rather  cautious  in  approaching  the  camp,  but 
Little  Harpe's  woman  alone  remained.  When  ques- 
tioned about  the  Harpes,  she  frankly  said  that  Big 
Harpe  had  just  been  there,  mounted  each  of  his  women 
on  a  good  horse,  and  darted  off  in  great  haste.  She  was 
asked  to  point  out  the  direction  they  had  taken,  which 
she  readily  did  -  the  men,  however,  in  their  hurry,  over- 
looked the  trail  and  returned  to  the  camp.  Squire  Mc- 
Bee,  thinking  she  had  purposely  deceived  them  to  gain 
time  for  Big  Harpe  and  his  women,  raised  his  gun  and 
threatened  to  kill  her  instantly  if  she  did  not  give  the 
correct  information;  upon  which  she  went  and  pointed 
it  out  precisely  as  she  had  described  it.  After  perhaps 
half  an  hour's  delay  in  finding  the  camp  and  parleying 
with  the  woman,  the  pursuers  again  proceeded  with  all 
possible  haste,  bent  on  the  destruction  of  Big  Harpe, 
and  fully  determined  that  nothing  should  divert  them 
from  their  purpose. 

"Squire  McBee  was  left  to  bring  on  the  prisoner, 
whom  he  mounted  on  one  of  the  outlaw's  horses,  and, 
though  thus  encumbered,  he  kept  nearly  up  with  the 
party.  When  about  two  miles  from  the  camp,  Big 
Harpe  was  again  discovered  on  a  ridge  a  short  distance 
ahead,  and  some  of  the  party  halloed  to  him  to  stop, 
upon  which  he  abandoned  his  women  to  their  fate,  and 
dashed  on  alone  -  Leiper,  in  the  meantime,  making  an 
ineffectual  shot  at  the  fugitive.  Tompkins  and  Lindsey 
were  left  in  charge  of  the  two  captured  women,  while 
Leiper,  Christian,  Grisson,  and  Steigal  renewed  the 
chase  with  increased  animation.  Leiper  not  being  able 
to  draw  his  ramrod,  owing  to  its  swollen  condition  from 
the  rain  of  the  preceding  night,  had  exchanged  guns 


120  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

with  Tompkins.  The  fleeing  outlaw  was  closely  pressed, 
Christian,  Steigal,  and  Grisson  each  giving  him  a  shot 
in  the  pursuit-  Christian's  alone  taking  effect,  wound- 
ing him  in  the  leg.  Harpe,  discovering  that  Leiper  was 
considerably  in  advance  of  the  others,  and  supposing 
his  gun  empty,  concluded  to  take  advantage,  as  he 
thought,  of  the  circumstance,  and  get  a  fair  shot  at  his 
dangerous  adversary.  He  accordingly  stopped  his 
horse,  and  while  renewing  his  priming,  Leiper  took 
unerring  aim,  and  fired  -  and  the  same  powder  which 
the  outlaws  had  a  few  days  previously  given  Tompkins, 
now  sped  the  ball  that  mortally  wounded  Big  Harpe. 
Though  badly  shot  through  the  spine  of  his  back,  the 
wounded  ruffian,  determined  to  sell  his  life  as  dearly  as 
possible,  levelled  his  gun  at  Leiper;  but  even  that  de- 
serted him  in  his  hour  of  need  -  it  snapped!  and  he 
threw  it  away  in  disgust.  As  Leiper  and  Christian  were 
rapidly  advancing  upon  him,  Steigal  and  Grisson  hav- 
ing lagged  far  behind,  Harpe  drew  a  large  tomahawk 
and  brandished  it  furiously  to  keep  off  his  pursuers,  at 
the  same  time  urging  on  his  jaded  horse  as  well  as  he 
could.  Leiper  and  Christian  kept  close  at  hand,  repeat- 
edly calling  upon  him  to  surrender,  when  he  would 
again  brandish  his  tomahawk  in  savage  defiance.  He 
finally  agreed  to  surrender  himself  if  they  would  stop 
their  horses;  accordingly  they  all  reined  up,  Leiper  and 
Christian  dismounted  and  made  some  demonstrations 
towards  loading;  perceiving  which,  Harpe  suddenly 
dashed  off.  Leiper's  horse,  which  had  been  standing  by 
his  side,  though  not  held  by  him,  now  took  fright  and 
darted  off  after  Harpe's  horse.  Seeing  the  accident, 
Christian  instantly  mounted  his  steed  and  quickly  over- 
took the  runaway  horse,  returned  him  to  Leiper,  and 
both  without  loading  renewed  the  pursuit.    They  easily 


Big  Harpe's  Ride  to  Death  121 

followed  the  trail  through  a  small  canebrake  of  thick 
growth,  and  just  as  the  fugitive  was  emerging  from  it 
they  overhauled  him,  not  more  than  half  a  mile  distant 
from  where  he  had  taken  French  leave.  His  horse  was 
walking  quite  leisurely,  and  Harpe's  wonted  daring  and 
bravery  seemed  to  have  forsaken  him ;  and,  faint  from 
the  loss  of  blood,  he  had  either  lost  his  tomahawk  or 
thrown  it  away.  They  rode  up  and  pulled  him  from 
his  horse  without  resistance. 

"Just  at  this  moment  Squire  McBee  came  up  with 
his  prisoner  in  charge;  and  Steigal  and  Grisson  soon 
after  joined  the  party.  The  dying  outlaw,  as  he  lay 
stretched  upon  the  ground,  begged  for  water,  and  Lei- 
per  took  a  shoe  from  one  of  Harpe's  feet,  and  with  it 
procured  some  for  him  near  by.  McBee  now  told  him 
that  he  was  already  dying,  but  they  should  hasten  his 
death;  time,  however,  would  be  given  him  for  prayer 
and  preparation  for  another  world  -  to  which  he  made 
no  reply,  and  appeared  quite  unconcerned.  When  asked 
if  he  had  not  money  concealed,  he  replied  that  he  had 
secreted  a  pair  of  saddle-bags  full  in  the  woods  on  an 
eastern  branch  of  Pond  River,  some  twenty  miles  from 
its  mouth.  From  his  description  of  the  branch,  and 
their  knowledge  of  the  country,  they  concluded  that 
there  was  no  such  water-course,  and  gave  little  or  no 
heed  to  his  story;  but  a  report,  however,  has  gained 
some  currency  -  for  the  truth  of  which  we  cannot 
vouch,  that  a  considerable  sum  of  specie  has  been  found, 
within  a  few  years,  near  the  head  waters  of  Pond  River. 

"Steigal,  after  reminding  Harpe  how  unfeelingly 
he  had  murdered  his  wife  and  only  child,  drew  a  knife, 
and  exhibiting  it  to  him,  said  in  plain  terms  that  he 
intended  to  cut  his  head  off  with  that!  'I  am,'  said  the 
dying  outlaw  faintly,  'but  a  young  man,  but  young  as  I 


122  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

am  I  feel  the  death-damp  already  upon  my  brow;  and 
before  I  die  I  could  wish  that  old  Baldwin  might  be 
brought  here,  as  he  is  the  man  who  instigated  me  to  the 
commission  of  all  my  crimes.'  This  Baldwin,  a  very 
suspicious  character,  lived  at  Green  Tree  Grove,  in  the 
then  adjoining  county  of  Livingstone,  now  called  Cald- 
well ;  and  though  subsequently  tried,  he  was  acquitted, 
nothing  positive  being  proven  against  him.  When  they 
had  somewhat  recovered  from  the  fatigue  of  the  chase, 
after  perhaps  an  hour's  delay  -  during  which  Harpe  lay 
on  the  ground  upon  his  right  side,  unable  from  weak- 
ness to  raise  himself,  and  rapidly  ebbing  his  life  away  - 
Steigal  stepped  forward  and  pointed  the  muzzle  of  his 
gun  at  the  head  of  the  expiring  outlaw,  who  conscious 
of  the  intention,  and  desirous  at  least  of  procrastinating 
it  dodged  his  head  to  and  fro  with  an  agility  unexpected 
to  the  beholders,  manifesting  pretty  plainly  a  strong 
disrelish  'to  shuffle  off  this  mortal  coil.'  Perceiving  this, 
Steigal  observed,  'very  well,  I  believe  I  will  not  upon 
reflection  shoot  him  in  the  head,  for  I  want  to  preserve 
that  as  a  trophy;'  and  thereupon  shot  him  in  the  left 
side  -  and  Harpe  almost  instantly  expired  without  a 
struggle  or  a  groan.  Steigal,  with  the  knife  he  had  so 
menacingly  exhibited  to  Harpe,  now  cut  off  the  out- 
law's head.  Squire  McBee  had  with  him  a  wallet  in 
which  he  had  brought  his  provisions  and  provender-  in 
one  end  of  this,  Steigal  placed  the  severed  head,  and 
some  articles  of  corresponding  weight  in  the  other,  and 
then  slung  it  behind  him  across  his  horse,  and  all  com- 
menced their  return.  Thus  died  Big  Harpe,  long  the 
terror  of  the  west,  and  his  decapitated  body  was  left  in 
the  wilds  of  Muhlenberg  county,  as  unsepulchred  as 
his  merited  death  was  unwept  and  unmourned. 

"After  the  party  left  the  scene  of  decapitation  they 


has  LEXINGTON,    Sept.  10. 

*&-         The  two  murderers  by  the  name  of 

an-  I  Harps,  who  killed   Mr.   Lang  ford  lafl 

left,     winter  in  the  wildernefs,  znd  were  af% 

retted  and  broke  the  Danville  goal, 
.ck,  killed  a  family  on  Pond  river,  by  the 
•  in  name  of  Staple  on  the  aad  day  of 
phe  Auguft,  and  burnt  thehoufe;  a  parry 
nee  of  men  purfued  and  overtook  theirs 
and  and  their  women  ;  the  Harps  parted* 
ard,  Micajah  Harp,  took  two  of  the 
3yal  |  women  off  with  him  *,  the  men  purfued 
rich  him,  and  in  riding  about  10  or  *2 
lips    miles,   caught  him,    having  previously 

(hot  him.  He  confeffed  the  killing  of 
*»red  Mr,  Stump  on  Big  Barren;  he  alfo 
ton  confeffed  of  their  killing  17  or  iB 
rth,  befides  ;  they  killed  two  men  near 
lira!  Robert  Ion  *s  Lick,  the  day  before  they 
3yal  ;  burnt  Staple's  hoiife.  They  had  with 
gar-  !  them  eight  horfes  and  a  conuderable 
5  ar-  j  quantity  of  plunder,  feven  pair  of  fad- 
oy-  die  bags,  &c.  They  cut  off  his  head, 
hu-  The  women  were  taken  to  the  Red 
that  bank  Si  The  above  took  place  on  Poml 
1 —    river  in  the  county  of  Muhlenburg. 


Facsimile  of  News  Item  regarding  Capture  of 
Micajah  Harpe 

Dated  Lexington,  Kentucky,  September  10,  1799,  and  published  in  the 
Carolina  Gazette,  Charleston,  S.  C,  October  24,  1799 


Big  Harpe's  Ride  to  Death  125 

re-joined  Tompkins  and  Lindsay,  who  had  been  left  in 
charge  of  the  two  women  of  Big  Harpe,  and  they  all 
proceeded  to  the  camp  of  the  outlaws,  which  they  gave 
a  careful  examination.  Nothing  of  any  value  was  dis- 
covered, save  a  dollar  and  a  half  in  small  change  pieces. 
Ten  horses  in  all  were  recovered  and  restored  to  their 
several  owners.  That  noble  animal  which  Big  Harpe 
rode,  and  which  had  belonged  to  Major  Love,  was  con- 
veyed to  his  widow,  but  did  not  long  survive  that  ter- 
rible ride. 

"The  head  was  conveyed  to  the  cross-roads  within 
half  a  mile  of  Robertson's  Lick,  and  there  placed  in  the 
forks  of  a  tree,  where  for  many  years  it  remained  a  re- 
volting object  of  horror.  To  this  day  the  place  where 
that  bloody  trophy  was  deposited  is  known  as  Harpe's 
Head,  and  the  public  road  which  passes  by  it  from  the 
Deer  Creek  settlement  to  the  'Lick,'  is  still  called 
Harpe's  Head  Road.  In  subsequent  years  a  superstiti- 
ous old  lady  of  the  neighborhood,  some  member  of 
whose  family  was  afflicted  with  fits,  having  been  told 
that  the  human  skull  pulverized,  would  effect  a  certain 
cure,  thus  appropriated  that  of  the  memorable  outlaw 
of  the  west." 

Thus  ended  the  career  of  "one  of  the  most  brutal 
monsters  of  the  human  race."  And  Little  Harpe,  hav- 
ing escaped  the  pursuers,  resumed  elsewhere,  as  we 
shall  see  later,  his  life  of  outlawry.  The  capture  of 
Big  Harpe  is  briefly  described  by  Breazeale,  Collins, 
Hall,  and  a  few  other  historians,  but  none  goes  into 
details  as  does  Draper  in  the  sketch  quoted.  Each  of 
these  writers,  however,  presents  some  circumstance  not 
mentioned  by  the  others.  Some  writers  say  Big  Harpe 
made  a  confession  before  he  was  killed ;  others  are  ab- 
solutely silent  on  that  feature,  neither  affirming  nor 


126  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

denying  it.  Local  tradition,  the  current  newspapers, 
and  Breazeale  are  among  those  who  state  that  Big 
Harpe  made  a  confession.  It  is  more  than  probable 
that  he  did.  The  Kentucky  Gazette  of  September  5, 
1799,  prints  a  statement  to  the  effect  that  he  confessed  to 
killing  about  twenty  people.  Colonel  G.  W.  Sevier, 
about  1840,  recalled  the  number  as  about  thirty-one. 
[  1 2G]  The  number  of  their  victims  noted  in  this  sketch 
up  to  the  death  of  Big  Harpe  is  twenty-eight,  exclusive 
of  the  Triswords  of  whom  there  were  probably  about 
ten. 

The  report  that  Big  Harpe  had  been  captured  and 
beheaded  and  that  Little  Harpe  had  escaped  spread 
rapidly  throughout  Kentucky  and  Tennessee,  and  was 
soon  verified  by  the  state  press.  Among  the  newspa- 
pers beyond  the  boundaries  of  these  two  states  that 
announced  this  news  was  The  Carolina  Gazette,  of 
Charleston,  which,  in  its  issue  of  October  24,  1799,  pub- 
lished a  paragraph  on  the  subject,  dated  Lexington, 
Kentucky,  September  10,  which  is  here  reproduced  in 
facsimile. 

History  and  local  tradition  have  it  that  Big  Harpe 
was  killed  in  Muhlenberg  County,  two  miles  west  of 
Unity  Baptist  Church  [no]  near  what  has  since  been 
known  as  Harpe's  Hill.  An  oak  tree  four  feet  in  dia- 
meter, which  until  19 10  stood  about  a  hundred  yards 
from  Pond  River  on  the  old  Slab  Road  leading  from 
Harpe's  Hill  to  "Free  Henry"  Ford,  was  always 
pointed  out  as  the  tree  under  which  Big  Harpe  was 
beheaded  and  his  headless  corpse  lay  until  it  was  de- 
voured by  wild  animals.  On  the  south  slope  of  Harpe's 
Hill,  about  a  mile  and  a  half  east  of  Pond  River  and 
a  few  steps  off  the  road  leading  to  "Free  Henry"  Ford, 
is  a  large  isolated  rock  known  as  Harpe's  "House."    It 


Big  Harpe's  Ride  to  Death  127 

was  at  this  so-called  "rock  house"  that  the  Harpes  were 
camping  when  overtaken  by  the  pursuers.  [109] 

After  Big  Harpe  had  been  disposed  of  and  the 
women  held  as  prisoners,  the  pursuers  began  their  vic- 
torious march  to  Robertson's  Lick,  a  distance  of  some 
thirty-five  miles,  there  to  display  the  head  and  to  warn 
Little  Harpe  and  all  other  outlaws  what  to  expect 
should  they  attempt  any  depredations.  Draper,  as  we 
have  already  seen,  states  that  before  the  men  started  on 
their  return,  Stegall  placed  the  severed  head  in  one  end 
of  a  wallet  and  some  articles  of  corresponding  weight 
in  the  other  end  and  then  swung  it  across  his  horse.  The 
same  historian,  in  one  of  his  note  books,  wrote:  "Big 
Harpe's  wife  was  made  to  carry  the  head  by  the  hair 
some  distance;  while  slinging  it  along  she  kept  mutter- 
ing, 'damn  the  head!'  "  [12G]  Another  account  is  that 
the  men,  knowing  they  would  be  obliged  to  camp  out 
for  the  night  and  require  more  food  than  still  remained, 
took  some  roasting  ears  from  a  field  along  the  route 
and  having  no  other  means  of  carrying  them,  put  them 
unhusked  into  the  bag  with  Big  Harpe's  head.  Later, 
when  the  corn  was  taken  out  and  prepared  for  supper, 
one  of  the  men  refused  to  eat  "because  it  had  been  put 
into  the  bag  with  Harpe's  head."  [21] 

The  head  was  carried  to  the  neighborhood  where 
the  two  Harpes  had  committed  their  last  crime.  Au- 
thors vary  somewhat  in  the  details  of  just  how  this 
gruesome  object  was  displayed  as  a  warning  to  outlaws, 
but  all  agree  that  it  was  put  up  by  the  side  of  the  high- 
way (about  three  miles  north  of  what  later  became  the 
town  of  Dixon)  near  the  forks  of  the  road  running 
south  from  Henderson,  one  branch  of  which  extended 
to  Marion  and  Eddyville  and  the  other  to  Madison- 
ville  and  Russellville,  Kentucky.    The  old  road  became 


128  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

known  as  Harpe's  Head  Road,  and  its  successor,  the 
Henderson  and  Madisonville  Pike,  still  bears  that 
name.12 

The  captors  had  traveled  about  thirty-five  miles  be- 
fore they  reached  the  spot  decided  upon  as  the  most  fit- 
ting place  to  display  the  head.    Continuing  their  jour- 

12  Draper  in  his  "Sketch  of  the  Harpes"  places  Big  Harpe's  head  "in  the 
forks  of  a  tree,"  but  in  a  later  note  [12G]  he  has  it  "placed  or  rather  stuck 
on  the  sharpened  end  of  the  limb  of  a  tree."  Breazeale  has  it  "upon  the  top 
of  a  lofty  pole,  or  in  the  fork  of  a  tree."  Collins,  in  one  version,  says  the 
men  "stuck  it  upon  a  pole  where  the  road  crosses  the  creek,"  and  in  another, 
that  "a  tall  young  tree,  growing  by  the  side  of  the  trail  or  road,  was  selected 
and  trimmed  of  its  lateral  branches  to  its  top,  and  then  made  sharp.  On 
this  point  the  head  was  fastened.  The  skull  and  jaw-bones  remained  there 
for  many  years  -  after  all  else  had  been  decomposed  and  mingled  with  the 
dust."  In  his  sketch  on  Webster  County,  Kentucky,  Collins  states  that  "Big 
Harpe's  head  was  stuck  upon  a  pole"  near  an  oak  tree  which  was  still  stand- 
ing, and  that  the  letters  H.H.  for  Harpe's  Head,  carved  upon  it  in  1799, 
were  still  legible  in  1874. 

Robert  Triplett,  in  his  anonymous  autobiography,  Roland  Trevor,  pub- 
lishes an  absurd  story  to  the  effect  that  the  two  Harpes  had  stolen  the 
daughter  of  a  pioneer  living  near  Henderson.  The  father  pursued  Big 
Harpe,  wounded  him,  and  shortly  thereafter  captured  him.  This  confused 
and  confusing  writer  says:  "Harpe  lay  near  a  tree.  The  father  lifted  him, 
and  set  him  up  against  it,  and  then  went  a  little  way  to  a  branch,  from 
which,  in  the  brim  of  his  hat,  he  carried  Harpe  some  water,  and  while  he 
was  drinking  reloaded  his  rifle,  and  shot  him.  Then  with  his  knife  he  cut 
off  his  head  and  stuck  it  on  a  pole  at  the  fork  of  the  road  between  Henderson 
and  Madisonville,  which  place,  from  that  circumstance,  was  called,  and  is 
to  this  day,  'Harpe's  Head.'" 

Another  absurd  story  of  the  Harpes  appears  in  History  of  Great  American 
Crimes,  by  Frank  Triplett  who  with  a  few  facts  and  a  vivid  imagination 
succeeds  in  covering  some  twenty  pages  on  the  Harpes.  According  to  his 
account,  Leiper  and  Stegall  organized  a  pursuing  party,  and  when  the 
wounded  outlaw  was  overtaken  one  end  of  a  rope  was  adjusted  around  Big 
Harpe's  neck  and  the  other  thrown  over  a  limb  of  a  large  tree  under  which 
the  wounded  man  lay.  "Appalled  by  the  blasphemies  of  Harpe,  the  word 
was  given,  and,  with  a  strong  pull,  his  body  was  run  up  some  six  or  eight 
feet  from  the  ground,  and  whirling  round  and  round  in  the  rapidly  gathering 
twilight,  it  quivered  convulsively  for  some  moments ;  there  was  a  fierce  death 
struggle  and  the  soul  of  the  most  demoniac  murderer  that  ever  cursed  our 
continent  had  gone  out  into  the  limitless  realms  of  eternity.  When  satisfied 
that  Harpe  was  dead,  the  corpse  was  lowered  to  the  ground,  the  head  cut  off 
and  fixed  in  the  fork  of  the  tree  which  had  served  his  executioners  as  a 
gallows." 


Big  Harpe' s  Ride  to  Death  129 

ney  some  twenty  miles  further  they  arrived  in  Hender- 
son and  there  placed  the  three  women  in  "the  little  log 
dungeon,  then  located  on  the  river  bank  near  the  pre- 
sent bridge"-  the  railroad  bridge  erected  in  1885.  [124] 
About  a  week  later  they  were  taken  to  the  court  house 
for  trial.  The  minute  book  of  the  Court  of  Quarter 
Sessions  briefly  shows,  on  pages  4  and  5,  what  disposi- 
tion was  made  of  them  by  that  court,  an  exact  copy  of 
which  is  here  given  as  extracted  from  the  records  in 
the  curious  courthouse  jargon  of  that  day: 

"At  a  Court  of  Quarter  Sessions  called  and  held  for 
the  County  of  Henderson  on  Wednesday  the  4th  day 
of  September,  1799,  for  the  examination  of  Susanna 
Harpe,  Sally  Harpe,  and  Betsey  Roberts,  committed 
to  the  jail  of  this  county  for  being  parties  in  the  mur- 
der of  Mary  Stegall,  James  Stegall  an  infant,  and  Wil- 
liam Love  at  the  house  of  Moses  Stegall  in  this  County 
and  in  burning  his  house  and  robbing  and  stealing  the 
horses,  goods  and  effects  of  the  said  Moses  Stegall  on 
the  night  of  the  20th  day  of  August  last. 

"Present  Samuel  Hopkins  and  Abraham  Landers 
Esquires. 

"The  said  prisoners  were  set  to  the  bar  in  custody  of 
the  Sheriff  of  this  County  and  being  charged  with  the 
felony  aforesaid  denied  the  fact  sundry  witnesses  were 
thereupon  sworn  and  examined  and  the  said  prisoners 
heard  in  their  defence  by  their  att'e  on  consideration 
whereof  it  is  the  opinion  of  the  Court  that  the  said  pri- 
soners are  guilty  of  the  facts  charged  against  them  and 
that  they  ought  to  be  tried  for  the  same  before  the 
Judges  of  the  District  Court  holden  at  Logan  Court- 
house on  the  first  day  of  their  next  October  Court,  and 
it  is  therefore  ordered  that  the  said  prisoners  be  re- 


130  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

manded  to  the  jail  from  whence  they  came  there  to 
remain  until  removed  by  due  course  of  law. 

"John  Leiper,  Nevil  Lindsey,  Matthew  Christian, 
and  Isham  Sellers  severally  acknowledged  themselves 
indebted  to  his  Excellency  James  Garrard  Esquire, 
Governor  of  this  Commonwealth  in  the  sum  of  fifty 
pounds  each  to  be  levied  on  their  lands  and  tenements 
goods  and  chattels  respectively  and  to  our  said  Gover- 
nor and  his  successors  rendered  in  case  they  fail  to  ap- 
pear as  Witnesses,  on  behalf  of  the  Commonwealth 
before  the  Judges  of  the  District  Court  holden  at  Lo- 
gan Courthouse  on  the  first  day  of  their  next  October 
Term,  and  then  and  there  give  evidence  against  Susan- 
nah Harpe,  Sally  Harpe,  and  Betsey  Roberts  charged 
with  felony. 

"(Signed)  Sam  Hopkins."  13 

A  search  recently  made  for  details  regarding  this 
examining  or  preliminary  trial  resulted  in  the  finding 
of  a  bundle  of  papers  labeled  "1799,"  in  which  were 
discovered  four  depositions  pertaining  to  the  arrest  of 
the  Harpe  women.  They  were  made  September  4,  by 
the  four  men  who  on  that  day  were  put  under  bond  to 
appear  at  the  trial  in  Russellville,  to  which  place  the 
case  was  ordered  for  trial.  These  old  documents  sub- 
stantiate the  statements  made  by  Squire  McBee  to  Ly- 
man C.  Draper  who  wove  them,  with  other  details,  into 
his  account  of  the  capture  of  the  Harpes.  The  deposi- 
tions show  that  Moses  Stegall  arrived  at  Robertson's 

13  Samuel  Hopkins  was  a  Revolutionary  general.  He  was  born  in  Vir- 
ginia and,  in  1797  went  to  Henderson  and  there  represented  Richard  Hen- 
derson &  Co.,  owners  of  a  large  tract  of  land  lying  in  that  section,  granted 
them  by  the  legislature  of  Virginia.  He  continued  to  make  Henderson  his 
home  until  1819,  the  time  of  his  death.  He  served  several  terms  in  the 
Kentucky  legislature  and  from  1813  to  1815  represented  his  district  in  Con- 
gress.    During  the  war  of  1812  he  was  commissioned  a  major-general.  [124] 


Big  Harpes  Ride  to  Death  131 

Lick  on  August  22,  1799,  to  procure  volunteers  to  join 
in  the  chase. 

Matthew  Christian  in  his  testimony  recites  that 
immediately  after  Stegall  came  to  Robertson's  Lick 
with  the  news  of  the  murder  he  started  for  Stegall's 
farm  and  became  fully  convinced  that  the  report  with 
all  its  terrible  details  was  true.  He  then  proceeded  to 
Grissom's  house,  which  had  been  designated  as  a  rally- 
ing point,  preparatory  to  going  to  Squire  McBee's  the 
following  morning.  Although  it  was  not  known  that 
Grissom's  family  had  left  home  and  gone  to  McBee's 
to  remain  during  the  proposed  pursuit,  the  men,  never- 
theless, met  at  this  designated  place  "where  they  tarried 
all  night."  Christian  "found  a  paper  fas'd  to  the  door 
of  Wm.  Grayson's  [Grissom's]  house,  signed  by  Silas 
Magby  and  directed  to  Moses  Stegall  in  the  following 
words:  'Come  to  my  house  without  delay,'  and  a  jacket 
hanging  up  at  the  said  door  supposed  by  the  company 
to  belong  to  Major  William  Love.  That  he  from  there 
went  to  Silas  Magby's  in  company  with  John  Leiper, 
Nevil  Lindsey,  and  Moses  Stegall,  that  on  their  way  to 
Magby's  he  heard  a  gun  go  off  which  he  supposed  was 
fired  by  one  of  the  prisoners  who  had  committed  the 
felony."  This  note  was  apparently  a  forgery  and  shows 
that  the  Harpes  had  planned  to  kill  Stegall;  and  since 
it  is  more  than  likely  that  the  outlaws  had  already 
started  on  their  flight,  this  attempt  to  waylay  Stegall  in- 
dicates that  the  Harpes  must  have  been  associated  with 
some  accomplice  living  in  the  neighborhood,  with 
whom  they  prearranged  this  move. 

Isom  Sellers'  statement  shows  that  on  August  16, 
four  days  before  the  Stegall  fire,  the  three  Harpe  wo- 
men stopped  at  John  Leiper's  house  and  inquired  the 
way  to  Moses  Stegall's  and  that  Sellers  "being  indebted 


132  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

to  Susannah  Harpe  one  dollar  gave  her  an  order  upon 
Moses  Stegall  for  the  said  sum  which  this  deponent 
saith  that  Moses  Stegall  has  informed  him  he  has  paid 
agreeable  to  the  aforesaid  order."  There  is  nothing  to 
indicate  the  specific  purpose  of  this  statement;  however, 
it  is  further  evidence  that  Stegall  was  acquainted  with 
the  Harpes  and  he  may  have  served  as  a  spy  or  messen- 
ger for  them. 

Nevil  Lindsey's  deposition  gives  a  detail  not  men- 
tioned in  any  printed  sketch  or  oral  tradition :  "Three 
case-knives  were  stuck  into  the  body  of  Mrs.  Stegal,  one 
of  them  was  buried  in  so  deep  that  the  fire  which  con- 
sumed the  house  would  not  burn  the  handle." 

John  Leiper  asserts  that  when  they  "had  rode  about 
forty-five  miles  they  came  up  with  Sally  Harpe  stand- 
ing on  the  ground  and  ...  to  show  them  the  way  they 
had  gone  went  with  them  for  that  purpose,  that  after 
riding  about  a  mile  and  a  half  they  came  up  with  Su- 
sanna Harpe,  Betsey  Roberts,  and  Micajah  Harpe, 
they  rode  by  the  two  women  and  followed  Micajah 
Harpe  for  about  four  miles,  when  this  deponent  over- 
took and  killed  him." 

Christian's  deposition  states  that  Big  Harpe,  before 
he  died,  "asked  for  water  and  that  John  Leiper  went  to 
Pond  River  and  brought  him  some  in  a  shoe."  The 
depositions  of  both  Leiper  and  Christian  end  in  prac- 
tically the  same  words:  "That  the  said  Micajah  Harpe 
a  little  while  before  he  expired  told  this  deponent  that 
Susannah  was  his  wife  and  that  he  wished  she  could 
come  up  and  wished  her  to  do  better  in  the  future  and 
that  the  whole  of  them  would  do  better  in  the  future, 
escrowed  as  he  was,  and  that  he  would  acquaint  her 
with  one  thing  that  was  hid." 

Two  days  after  their  examining  or  preliminary  trial, 


Big  Harpe's  Ride  to  Death  133 

the  three  women  and  two  infants  were  sent,  by  order  of 
Judge  Samuel  Hopkins,  to  Russellville,  Logan  County, 
there  to  appear  before  the  judges  of  the  District  Court, 
which  court  at  that  time  embraced  Henderson  County. 
There  is  no  history  or  tradition  as  to  how  the  three  wo- 
men were  conducted  to  "Logan  Courthouse."  They 
probably  were  taken  on  horseback.  The  minutes  of  the 
next  term  of  the  court  of  Quarter  Sessions  held  in  Hen- 
derson contain  a  few  items  that  throw  some  light  on 
the  expense  of  holding  and  then  transferring  the  pri- 
soners, the  total  being  $281.78. 

These  entries  indicate  that  the  prisoners  were  accom- 
panied by  the  sheriff  and  five  guards  and  that  the 
county  attorney  and  county  clerk  took  part  in  the  second 
trial.  The  prisoners  and  their  guard  left  Henderson 
September  6,  and  after  traveling  the  ninety-five  miles, 
the  women  were  turned  over  to  the  sheriff  to  await  their 
trial,  September  28.14 

Major  William  Stewart  was  sheriff  of  Logan  County 
at  the  time.  He  more  than  once  had  chased  the  Harpes 
for  many  a  mile,  only  to  discover  that  he  was  going  in 
the  wrong  direction  and  to  become  irritated  by  his 
failure.  He  was,  notwithstanding  his  eccentricities,  a 
just  man  and  one  on  whom  a  person  in  need  might  de- 
pend, and  the  three  women,  realizing  this,  must  have 

14  The  recorded  expense  items  show  six  men  were  allowed  $7.50  each  for 
guarding  the  Henderson  jail  during  the  ten  days  the  Harpe  women  were 
imprisoned.  One  man  was  given  $4.32  "for  victualling  Susannah  Harp,  et 
al.  in  the  jail  for  eight  days."  Andrew  Rowan,  the  sheriff,  was  allowed 
$71.25  "for  removing  prisoners  from  Henderson  to  Logan  jail,  190  miles" -95 
miles  one  way -and  also  $4.54  for  cash  advanced  for  diet  for  said  prisoners 
from  Henderson  to  Logan  jail."  Five  men  were  allowed  $5.70  each  for 
guarding  the  prisoners  en  route  to  Russellville.  William  B.  Blackburn,  "at- 
torney for  the  Commonwealth  in  this  county,"  received  $60.00  and  John  D. 
Haussmann,  the  county  clerk,  and  the  sheriff,  each  $30.00  "for  his  ex-officio 
services."  These  items,  with  $4.17  paid  the  sheriff  "for  summoning  and 
attending  the  court,"  make  a  total  of  $281.78. 


134  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

felt  encouraged,  not  only  by  the  prospect  of  receiving 
justice,  but  also  of  having  mercy  shown  them.  Draper, 
in  his  notes  on  information  supplied  by  George  Hern- 
don,  a  Revolutionary  soldier,  who  long  lived  in  Logan 
County,  writes:  "The  women  were,  of  course,  in  his 
charge,  and  lodged  in  the  old  log  jail,  becoming  dirty 
and  lousy,  Major  Stewart,  feeling  for  their  miserable 
situation,  agreed  to  let  them  enjoy  the  liberty,  provided 
they  promised  not  to  attempt  to  escape  and  thus  make 
him  liable,  for  he  did  the  act  on  his  individual  responsi- 
bility. They  were  rejoiced  at  the  offer  and  he  went 
around  the  little  town  and  collected  some  necessary 
articles  of  clothing  for  them,  had  them  and  their  chil- 
dren cleaned  up,  placed  them  in  the  courthouse  and  got 
a  couple  of  spinning  wheels  and  set  them  to  spinning." 
[I2F] 

Smith  says  the  murders  committed  by  the  Harpes  in 
this  section  of  Kentucky  were  too  fresh  in  the  minds  of 
the  people  living  in  and  near  Russellville  and  the  sus- 
picion that  the  women  had  been  accomplices  in  their 
crimes  was  too  strong  to  fail  to  arouse  a  hatred  for  the 
three  women.  When  threats  were  made  to  tear  down 
the  log  jail  and  lynch  the  prisoners,  the  sheriff  secretly 
conveyed  them  into  the  country,  where  they  remained 
until  brought  back  for  trial. 

This  statement  probably  is  not  true.  It  may  have 
originated  from  the  fact  that  Stegall  and  some  of  his 
friends  rode  to  Russellville  for  the  purpose  of  killing 
the  women  should  they  be  acquitted.  Discovering  Ste- 
gall's  motive,  Stewart  put  the  Harpe  women  back  in 
jail,  pretending  "it  would  never  do  to  turn  such  charac- 
ters loose  upon  society,"  but  the  next  night  he  hid  them 
in  a  cave  about  five  miles  from  town  and  thus  shielded 


Big  Harpe's  Ride  to  Death  135 

them  from  the  revenge-seeking  Stegall  who,  a  few  days 
later,  returned  home.  [28] 

An  examination  of  the  minute  book  of  the  old  Dis- 
trict Court  preserved  in  Russellville,  shows  that  on 
Monday,  October  28,  1799,  a  grand  jury  having  been 
empaneled,  "made  the  following  presentment:  Com- 
monwealth against  Susanna  Harpe,  Sally  Harpe,  and 
Betsey  Roberts,  a  true  bill."  A  District  Court  was  pre- 
sided over  by  a  judge  and  two  associate  judges,  and 
Judges  Samuel  McDowell  and  John  Allen  being  ab- 
sent, the  women,  rather  than  delay  the  trial,  agreed  to 
be  tried  before  the  one  who  was  present,  namely,  Judge 
James  G.  Hunter.  Judge  Felix  Grundy  appeared  in 
behalf  of  the  women,  and  no  one,  except  the  prosecut- 
ing officer,  against  them.  Each  prisoner  was  tried  by  a 
different  jury,  the  three  trials  taking  place  on  October 
29th  and  30th.  "Susanna  Harpe,  late  of  the  County 
of  Henderson  and  parish  of  Kentucky,  spinster,  who 
stands  indicted  of  felony  was  led  to  the  bar  in  the  cus- 
tody of  the  public  jailor  and  pleads  not  guilty  to  the 
Indictment,  and  for  her  trial  hath  put  herself  upon  God 
and  her  Country  and  the  Attorney  General  in  behalf  of 
the  Commonwealth,  likewise  whereupon  came  a  jury, 
to-wit:  [twelve  men  are  named]  who  being  tried  .  .  . 
and  having  heard  the  evidence,  upon  their  oaths  do  say 
that  the  Susanna  Harpe  is  not  guilty  of  the  murder 
aforesaid." 

Then  followed  the  trials  of  "Betsey  Roberts,  spin- 
ster," and  "Sally  Harpe,  spinster,"  both  of  whom  were 
found  "not  guilty  of  the  murder  aforesaid."  No  depo- 
sitions or  other  records  of  the  proceedings  of  these  three 
trials  can  now  be  found  among  the  various  old  docu- 
ments still  preserved  in  the  Logan  County  Court  House. 


136  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

The  women  were  liberated  and  the  act  seems  to  have 
met  the  approval  of  the  public. 

Major  Stewart,  in  his  capacity  as  sheriff,  had  many 
opportunities  to  talk  to  his  prisoners.  Some  of  the  inci- 
dents in  their  lives  could  not  have  failed  to  touch  the 
heart  of  any  man,  especially  when  heard  from  the  lips 
of  the  women  themselves.  Forty  years  after  the  Harpe 
women  had  been  captured,  an  interview  with  him  on 
the  subject  was  arranged  to  procure  facts  for  publica- 
tion.   From  this  interview  we  quote : 

"Major  Stewart  said  the  women  seemed  grateful  to 
him,  and  related  with  apparent  candor  the  story  of 
their  lives  and  their  connection  with  the  Harpes.  They 
told  him  that  their  husbands  had  once  been  put  in  jail 
in  Knoxville,  Tennessee,  upon  suspicion  of  crime,  when 
they  were  innocent;  when  released,  they  declared  war 
against  all  mankind,  and  determined  to  murder  and  rob 
until  they  were  killed.  They  said  they  might  have 
escaped  after  the  murder  and  robbery  at  Stegall's,  but 
for  the  detention  at  the  branch  where  Smith  was  shot. 
Big  Harpe,  expecting  to  be  pursued,  proposed  that  the 
three  children  be  killed,  that  the  others  might  flee  with- 
out that  encumbrance.  His  two  wives  and  brother  con- 
sented after  some  discussion,  but  the  wife  of  Little 
Harpe  took  her  child  off  to  the  branch  where  she  had 
seen  a  projecting,  shelving  rock,  under  which  she  placed 
it,  and  lay  down  at  its  outer  side,  determined  to  remain 
and  die  with  her  child.  As  her  husband  came  to  the 
branch  to  let  her  know  they  had  concluded  to  put  the 
children  to  death,  he  saw  Smith,  the  horse  hunter,  ap- 
proaching. He  moved  toward  him,  and  sounded  the 
shrill  whistle  on  his  'charger  -  the  understood  signal  of 
impending  danger.  Big  Harpe  almost  in  a  moment 
made  his  appearance  at  the  branch  mounted  on  Love's 


Big  Harpe's  Ride  to  Death  137 

mare,  when  the  firing  commenced.  Smith  was  shot 
down  and  the  Harpes  fled.  Big  Harpe  did  not  go  di- 
rectly to  the  camp,  but  circled  around  it,  fearing  the 
pursuers  might  already  have  taken  it.  These  sudden 
and  unexpected  events  saved  the  lives  of  the  children  by 
allowing  no  time  for  their  execution.  Little  Harpe's 
wife  and  child  hastily  returned  to  the  camp,  when  the 
firing  took  place  a  little  distance  below  the  shelving 
rock,  and  were  made  prisoners  with  the  wives  and  chil- 
dren of  Big  Harpe."  [28] 

The  same  delay  that  resulted  in  the  capture  and  death 
of  Big  Harpe  brought  about  a  great  change  in  the  lives 
of  the  Harpe  women.  But  Major  Stewart,  in  the  inter- 
view given  forty  years  after  the  women  had  been  in  his 
charge,  evidently  was  somewhat  mistaken  in  some  of  the 
details  and  in  the  identity  of  some  of  the  characters  he 
recalled.  There  never  were  more  than  three  Harpe 
children  and  all  of  them  were  born  in  the  Danville  jail. 
We  have  seen  how  the  child  of  Little  Harpe's  wife  was 
killed  a  few  weeks  before  the  women  were  arrested  and 
taken  to  Henderson ;  it  is  later  shown  what  became  of 
Big  Harpe's  children,  both  of  whom  were  with  their 
mothers  in  the  Russellville  jail.  It  is  quite  likely  that 
when  Big  Harpe  realized  the  pursuers  were  close  at 
hand,  he  proposed  that  the  children  be  killed  and  that 
then  Little  Harpe's  wife  took  the  two  infants  and  "de- 
termined to  remain  and  die"  with  them.  A  few  weeks 
before,  she  had  seen  her  own  child  cruelly  murdered  by 
Big  Harpe,  and  probably  had,  ever  since,  awaited  a 
chance  to  escape  from  the  violence  and  villainy  of  the 
lives  led  by  the  Harpes.  She  doubtless  concluded  it 
would  be  far  better  for  her  and  the  two  infants  to  fall 
into  the  hands  of  the  pursuers  than  to  kill  the  infants, 
even  though  the  killing  of  them  would  relieve  the  five 


138  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

Harpes  of  an  encumbrance  which  they  considered  suf- 
ficient to  interfere  with  their  escape.  At  any  rate,  the 
desire  of  Little  Harpe's  wife  to  free  herself,  combined 
with  her  effort  to  save  the  two  infants,  exercising  itself 
as  it  did  at  this  critical  moment,  delayed  the  attempt  to 
escape  and  resulted  in  the  capture  and  killing  of  Big 
Harpe.15 

15  Maj.  William  Stewart  was  one  of  the  most  eccentric  characters  in  early 
Kentucky  history.  His  life  is  full  of  suggestions  for  romance  and  song.  He 
was  born  in  South  Carolina  about  1772,  and,  at  the  age  of  eighteen,  "getting 
into  some  difficulties,  he  left  his  native  state."  He  went  to  Nashville,  says 
Finley,  and  from  there  started  for  Henderson  -  possibly  with  the  intention 
of  continuing  to  Cave-in-Rock.  On  his  way  north  he  joined  a  man  and  wife 
going  to  the  Green  River  country.  To  what  extent  they  influenced  him  is 
not  known.  However,  when  the  three  travelers  reached  the  place  that  later 
became  Russellville,  they  decided  to  settle  there.  In  1791  he  left  Logan 
County  and  "after  years  of  toil,  hunting,  and  nobody  knows  what  else,  he 
finally  settled  in  Stanford  and,  in  1795,  became  a  dry  goods  clerk  for  one 
Ballenger"-the  same  man  who,  a  few  years  later,  went  in  pursuit  of  the 
Harpes.  In  1796  he  returned  to  Logan  County  and  died  there  in  1852.  He 
was  the  first  sheriff  of  Logan  County.  Collins  says:  "He  was  one  of  the 
celebrities  of  the  place  .  .  .  faithful  to  his  friends,  and  dangerous  to  his 
foes." 

Smith  in  a  chapter  devoted  to  Stewart  calls  him  William  Stout:  "Always 
eccentric  in  his  material  and  style  of  dress -often  he  appeared  attired  in  an 
entire  suit  made  of  various  colored  'lists,'  taken  from  the  finest  broadcloths 
sewed  together,  fantastically  cut  and  fitted  to  his  person,  while  the  buttons 
on  his  coat  and  pantaloons  were  quarter  dollars,  United  States  coin,  with 
eyes  attached  by  his  own  ingenuity  (for  he  was  a  worker  in  metals)  and 
his  vest  buttoned  with  genuine  United  States  dimes.  This  dress,  however, 
was  rather  for  high  days  and  holidays  ...  On  the  morning  of  the  day  on 
which  he  died,  he,  with  but  little  aid,  drew  on  his  curiously  constituted, 
many  colored  suit  of  clothes,  and  in  that  attire  he  died  and  was  buried."  [121] 


The  Harpes  -  Mysteries  and  Fate  of  Survivors 

Big  Harpe  was  dead,  Little  Harpe  had  vanished  into 
the  wilderness  and  the  women  had  again  been  spared 
through  public  sympathy  with  their  apparent  helpless- 
ness and  misfortunes.  What  was  to  become  of  them 
and  of  Little  Harpe  and  of  the  seven  determined  men 
who  had  run  down  the  gigantic  monster?  How  were 
these  men  rewarded  for  their  heroism?  The  records, 
hunted  down  with  the  utmost  patience,  constitute  a  new 
story  in  which  mystery,  tragedy,  suspicion  and  pathos 
all  enter  to  bring  about  poetic  justice.  It  enables  us 
also  to  get  closer  to  these  terrible  personalities. 

First  as  to  the  seven  avengers.  On  December  16, 
1799,  the  Kentucky  Legislature  passed  "An  Act  direct- 
ing the  payment  of  money  to  John  Leiper  and  others." 
The  preamble  stated  that  "Micajah  Harpe,  a  notorious 
offender"  had  committed  "the  most  unheard  of  mur- 
ders" and  the  Governor  on  April  22,  had  offered  a  re- 
ward of  three  hundred  dollars  "for  the  apprehension  of 
said  Harpe."  It  recites  its  enactment  because  "sundry 
good  citizens  .  .  .  were,  while  in  the  attempt  to  ap- 
prehend him,  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  slaying  him," 
and  further  declares  by  its  enactment  all  doubt  as  to  the 
right  of  these  men  to  the  reward  is  removed.  The 
money  was  ordered  paid  to  "John  Leiper,  James  Tomp- 
kins, Silas  McBee,  Mathew  Christian,  Moses  Stegall, 
Neville  Lindsey,  and  William  Gresham  .  .  .  one  hun- 
dred of  which  shall  be  appropriated  to  the  said  John 
Leiper,  and  the  residue  to  be  equally  divided  among 
the  others." 


140  Outlaws  of  Gave-in-Rock 

The  second  clause  shows  that  "Alexander  M'Farling, 
JohnM'Farling,  Daniel  M'Farling,  and  Robert  White, 
who  from  motives  of  public  good  incurred  very  con- 
siderable expense  and  toil  in  the  pursuit  of  the  said 
Harpe  and  his  associates  ...  be  allowed  one  hundred 
and  fifty  dollars."  These  four  men  probably  lived  near 
Danville,  and,  as  previously  noted,  had  been  appointed 
by  the  governor  to  take  charge  of  the  Harpes  should 
they  be  found  "in  any  adjacent  state." 

Five  of  the  men  who  captured  and  killed  Big  Harpe 
fared  well.  Tompkins  and  Matthew  Christian  con- 
tinued to  live  in  Henderson  County,  where  they  died 
old  and  highly  respected  citizens.  William  Grissom, 
about  1 8 10,  moved  to  southern  Illinois  where  he  con- 
tinued the  life  of  a  well-to-do  farmer.  Neville  Lind- 
sey  was  identified  with  the  development  of  west  Ten- 
nessee. Squire  Silas  McBee  opened  up  a  plantation  in 
Pontotoc  County,  Mississippi,  and  ranked  among  the 
best  and  most  prominent  men  in  that  state.  It  was  there, 
in  1 841,  he  met  the  historian  Draper,  to  whom  he  sup- 
plied much  data  relative  to  King's  Mountain  and  also 
the  facts  used  for  his  "Sketch  of  the  Harpes." 

As  for  Stegall  and  Leiper,  the  immediate  execution- 
ers of  Big  Harpe,  no  sooner  had  they  sprung  into 
public  notice  by  reason  of  their  acts,  than  they  were 
enveloped  in  a  mystery  of  suspicion  almost  as  deep  as 
that  surrounding  the  Harpes  themselves.  It  has  grown 
deeper  with  time,  though  their  deaths  within  eight 
years  after  the  tragedy  of  the  death  chase  rendered  the 
suspicion  more  sinister  and  seemed  to  confirm  it. 

It  appears  that  John  Leiper  had  not  only  seen  the 
Harpes  before  he  joined  the  band  in  the  chase,  but  was 
strongly  suspected  of  having  been  secretly  involved  in 
some  of  their  crimes  committed  in  central  Kentucky. 


Mysteries  and  Fate  of  Survivors  141 

In  April,  1799,  when  Colonel  Trabue's  boy  was  killed 
by  the  Harpes,  "Leiper  then  resided  in  Adair  County 
and  knew  the  Trabue  family  well."  [  1 2E]  He  probably 
lived  near  "old  Mr.  Roberts,"  the  father-in-law  of  Big 
Harpe,  who  then  had  a  farm  in  that  part  of  Adair 
County  which,  in  1825,  became  a  part  of  Russell  Coun- 
ty. Hypocrite  that  he  was,  in  all  likelihood,  he  joined 
some  of  the  men  who  had  gone  out  to  hunt  the  murderer 
of  John  Trabue.  For  some  reason  he  left  that  section 
shortly  after  the  Harpes  appeared  on  the  scene.  He 
may  have  feared  that  the  two  outlaws  had  planned  to 
establish  themselves  near  "old  man  Roberts"  and  there- 
fore went  to  Henderson  County,  where  he  was  least 
likely  to  see  them  again,  and  so  escape  any  vengeance 
they  might  see  fit  to  execute  upon  him  for  joining  the 
posse.  Thus,  not  to  begin  a  better  life  but  to  escape 
death,  he  left  Adair  County  for  parts  unknown.  On 
July  3,  of  the  same  year,  the  Henderson  County  grand 
jury  found  an  indictment  against  him  for  "living  in 
adultery  with  Ann  L.  Allen,  from  the  20th  day  of  last 
May." 

When  Leiper  was  asked  to  join  in  the  Harpe  chase  it 
was  observed  that  he  hesitated,  saying  he  had  no  proper 
horse  for  such  work,  but  that  if  Captain  Robert  Robert- 
son's could  be  procured,  he  would  go.  When  such  ar- 
rangement was  made,  Leiper  boastingly  declared  that 
if  he  got  sight  of  either  of  the  Harpes  he  "would  stick 
to  the  chase  until  he  killed  them  or  they  killed  him." 
Later,  when  Leiper  and  Christian  overtook  Big  Harpe, 
shortly  before  he  was  killed,  the  outlaw  called  to  Lei- 
per, "I  told  you  to  stay  back  or  I'd  kill  you,"  and  Leiper 
replied,  "My  business  with  you  is  for  one  or  the  other 
of  us  to  be  killed."  These  and  other  remarks,  as  later 
interpreted  by  the  other  pursuers,  indicated  that  more 


142  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

than  a  casual  acquaintance  existed  between  Leiper  and 
the  Harpes.  Although  applauded  for  taking  part  in 
the  killing  of  Big  Harpe,  and  thus  ridding  the  country 
of  a  scourge,  he  was  nevertheless  condemned  for  his 
motive  in  doing  so.  He  "died  suddenly  of  winter  fever 
some  time  during  the  winter  of  the  cold  Friday"  (Fri- 
day, February  6,  1807).  Up  to  the  day  of  his  death  he 
was  looked  upon  as  a  suspicious  character  by  all  his 
neighbors  and  so,  being  unworthy  of  trust  and  an  out- 
cast, lived  and  died  friendless.  [12E] 

Moses  Stegall  was  at  first  the  hero  of  heroes  in  the 
returning  band.  He  had  suffered  the  loss  of  his  wife, 
child,  and  home,  and  it  seems  that  fate  itself  had  des- 
tined him  to  strike  the  last  deserved  blow.  He  had  been 
regarded  as  a  questionable  character,  yet  no  one  could 
trace  any  particular  crime  to  him.  The  report  of  the 
tragic  manner  in  which  he  had  put  an  end  to  Big  Harpe 
kept  in  the  background,  for  a  time,  all  unfavorable  re- 
ports heretofore  heard.  But  it  soon  became  apparent 
that  he,  too,  had  a  hidden  motive  in  taking  so  active  a 
part  in  the  pursuit  of  the  outlaws.  It  was  recalled  that 
when  he  discovered  that  Big  Harpe  had  been  wounded, 
but  was  still  able  to  talk,  he  had  stepped  forward  and 
deliberately  cut  off  his  head.  This  act  was,  at  the  dread- 
ful instant,  regarded  by  the  excited  spectators  as  one 
highly  deserved  as  far  as  Harpe  was  concerned,  but 
for  Stegall  it  was  soon  suspected  to  have  been  an  act 
whereby  he  could  silence  the  tongue  of  a  dangerously 
wounded  man  who  might  still  survive  sufficiently  to 
reveal  some  of  the  lawlessness  in  which  Stegall  himself 
was  implicated.  That  this  was  his  motive  is  verified  by 
a  number  of  authorities.  Draper,  after  a  conversation 
with  General  Thomas  Love,  of  Tennessee,  who  was  a 
cousin  of  Major  William  Love,  and  whose  wife  was  a 


Mysteries  and  Fate  of  Survivors  143 

cousin  of  Thomas  Langford,  noted  this :  "The  company, 
before  his  arrival,  had  some  confession  from  Harpe, 
and  Stegall  was  afraid  he  would  be  implicated  and 
wanted  him  out  of  the  way,  for  Stegall  bore  a  bad  char- 
acter. Parson  Henry  says  it  was  suspected  that  Stegall 
purposely  left  his  home  to  give  the  Harpes  an  oppor- 
tunity to  kill  his  victims."  [12E] 

Forty  years  after  Big  Harpe  was  killed,  a  preacher 
traveling  from  Lexington,  Kentucky,  by  way  of  the 
Henderson  and  Harpe's  Head  Road  to  Mammoth 
Cave,  heard  the  tradition  of  the  capture  of  Harpe  as 
then  told  in  the  neighborhood  where  Stegall  lived. 
Relative  to  Stegall's  motive,  he  wrote:  "As  for  Stegall, 
he  never  bore  a  good  character  and  his  excessive  zeal 
and  forwardness  created  new  suspicions  against  him  as 
being  an  accomplice  of  Harpe  whom  he  might  wish 
effectually  to  prevent  from  betraying  him  by  a  precipi- 
tate death  under  colour  of  vengeance."  [38] 

Governor  John  Reynolds,  in  his  comments  on  the 
notoriety  of  some  of  the  settlers  who,  in  pioneer  days, 
lived  in  Illinois  near  Ford's  Ferry  and  Cave-in-Rock, 
pictures  the  last  scene  in  Stegall's  life:  "In  1806,  at  the 
place,  ten  miles  from  the  Ohio,  where  Potts  resided  af- 
terwards, on  the  road  west  of  the  river,  a  bloody  tragedy 
was  acted.  A  man  named  Stegall  -  the  same  who  as- 
sisted to  kill  one  of  the  Harpes  in  Kentucky  -  eloped 
with  a  young  girl  and  made  the  above  place  his  resi- 
dence .  .  .  Two  or  three  brothers  of  the  seduced  girl, 
and  her  father,  followed  them  from  Trade  Water,  Ken- 
tucky, the  residence  of  the  father  .  .  .  They  found 
Stegall  and  the  others  sitting  up  under  a  gallery  outside 
of  the  cabin,  with  a  lamp  burning.  The  assailing  party 
advanced  in  silence  and  secrecy,  near  Stegall,  and  shot 
him  without  doing  any  of  the  others  any  injury  what- 


144  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

ever  .  .  .  and  brought  back  the  deluded  girl  to  her 
home  and  family."  [102] 

Thus  within  about  a  half  dozen  years  after  Stegall 
and  Leiper  helped  to  capture  Big  Harpe  they  had 
passed  into  the  Great  Beyond.  Tradition  insists  that 
but  for  the  persistence  of  these  two  men,  the  other  five 
would  have  abandoned  the  hunt  for  the  Harpes-as 
many  others  had  done  elsewhere  -  and  both  outlaws,  in 
all  probability,  would  have  escaped  to  add  more 
crimes  to  their  long  list.16 

Such  is  the  story  of  the  Harpes  and  their  principal 
crimes.  No  doubt  regarding  these  crimes  existed  in 
the  various  localities.  How  many  similar  deeds  they 
actually  committed  will  never  be  discovered,  for  in  the 
sparsely  settled  country  isolated  settlers  could,  and  often 
did,  disappear  without  leaving  any  trace  of  their  fate 
and  in  many  instances  travelers  who  were  killed  were 
missed  by  no  one. 

There  also  hangs  somewhat  of  a  veil  of  personal 
mystery  over  these  criminals.  Who  were  the  Harpes 
and  what  sort  of  men  were  they  in  appearance  and 
bearing?  Who  were  the  three  women  that,  from 
choice  or  because  of  terror  of  their  mates,  lived  through 
such  terrible  experience  with  them,  bore  children  to 
them  and  so  became  forever  linked  with  the  history  of 
these  horrible  outlaws? 

Whether  or  not  the  two  Harpes  were  brothers  and 
the  two  "wives"  of  Big  Harpe  sisters,  is,  after  all,  a 
question  that  is  not  definitely  settled  by  any  authori- 

16  When,  in  i860,  the  town  of  Dixon  was  laid  out  to  be  the  seat  of  justice 
for  the  newly  established  county  of  Webster,  one  of  the  principal  streets 
forming  the  court  house  square  was  named  after  John  Lieper  and  another 
after  Moses  Stegall.  These  pioneers  were  thus  honored,  not  to  show  that 
"the  evil  men  do  lives  after  them,"  but  to  reward  two  men  whose  names 
were  "linked  with  one  virtue"  at  least -that  of  being  responsible  for  the 
capture  and  death  of  Big  Harpe. 


Mysteries  and  Fate  of  Survivors  145 

tative  record  or  direct  testimony  that  has  yet  been  pro- 
duced. At  this  date  it  seems  unlikely  that  any  further 
proof  of  their  origin,  names  or  relationship  will  ever 
be  discovered.  When  they  were  active  it  was  necessary 
to  their  safety  to  assume  various  false  names.  They 
changed  clothing  to  such  an  extent  as  they  could,  in 
order  to  avoid  pursuit  and  capture,  as  well  as  to  avoid 
suspicion  among  those  they  might  later  approach  as 
intended  victims. 

They  certainly  seem  to  have  been  brothers  in  crime 
and  brutality;  but  were  they  brothers  by  birth?  The 
supposed  wife  and  the  "supplementary"  wife  of  Big 
Harpe  were,  in  the  same  degree,  sisters  in  their  tolera- 
tion of  his  crimes,  but  were  they  actually  sisters 
through  one  sire?  Throughout  the  story  the  view  has 
been  taken  that  the  two  men  were  brothers  and  the  two 
women  sisters,  for  such  was  the  prevailing  belief.  All 
the  contemporary  and  early  subsequent  accounts  so  re- 
fer to  them,  except  Smith,  who,  in  his  Legends  of  the 
War  of  Independence,  published  in  1855,  says  the  men 
were  first  cousins.  He  designates  Micajah  or  "Big" 
Harpe  as  "William  Harpe,"  a  son  of  John  Harpe,  and 
Wiley  or  "Little"  Harpe  as  "Joshua  Harpe,"  a  son  of 
William  Harpe,  who  was  a  brother  of  John  Harpe. 
Smith  also  represents  Susan,  the  wife  of  Big  Harpe, 
as  a  daughter  of  Captain  John  Wood,  and  Betsey,  Big 
Harpe's  supplementary  wife,  as  Maria  Davidson,  a 
daughter  of  Captain  John  Davidson.  Their  fathers, 
he  says,  were  North  Carolinians,  both  captains  in  the 
Revolutionary  army,  but  in  no  wise  related  by  blood. 
Concerning  the  two  women,  he  says  that  they  were  ab- 
ducted by  the  Harpes  and  became  their  "involuntary 
wives."  He  ignores  the  fact  that  the  two  women  seem 
to  have  taken  no  advantage  of  any  of  the  chances  they 


146  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

had  to  escape  from  these  villains,  and  is  likewise  appar- 
ently ignorant  of  the  fact  that  the  third  woman,  Sally- 
Rice,  the  wife  of  Little  Harpe,  was  associated  with  the 
outlaws  during  their  most  outrageous  actions.  This 
same  writer  says  that  "Big  Harpe  and  Joshua  Harpe" 
fought  at  King's  Mountain  in  October,  1780,  and  were 
about  twenty  years  old  at  that  time,  whereas  all  other 
records  show  the  two  men  could  not  then  have  reached 
the  age  of  ten. 

Smith  cites  no  authority  for  his  various  statements, 
although  in  the  preface  to  his  book  he  declares  that  he 
obtained  his  materials  for  his  pioneer  day  sketches  by 
questioning  survivors  of  the  times  and  the  events.  It  is 
also  observed  that  no  other  writers  of  that  time  present 
authority  for  the  statements  they  make  as  to  the  origin 
and  relationships  of  the  Harpe  band. 

Breazeale,  himself  a  resident  of  Knoxville,  had  op- 
portunities to  gather  on  the  ground  early  recollections 
of  them.  In  1842  he  wrote  that  when  the  Harpes  ap- 
peared there  in  1797  or  1798,  they  "professed"  to  have 
come  from  Georgia,  "represented"  themselves  to  be 
brothers,  and  "said"  their  name  was  Harpe.  He  is 
careful  to  add,  "whether  their  real  name  was  Harpe 
or  not,  no  one  knew;  nor  was  it  ever  ascertained  where 
they  had  been  born  and  brought  up,  or  who  were  their 
relatives."  As  they  soon  turned  out  to  be  thieves  and 
were  driven  away  from  the  neighborhood  of  Knoxville, 
it  is  at  least  possible  that  the  relationship,  the  name  and 
all  else  they  gave  out  might  have  been  assumed  and 
false  in  order  to  cover  their  tracks  from  a  former  place. 
After  the  murder  of  Langford  in  Lincoln  County  in 
1799,  they  were  both  indicted  under  the  name  of  Rob- 
erts, which  they  had  evidently  assumed  and  under 
which  they  pleaded  and  were  held.     It  may  be  sug- 


Mysteries  and  Fate  of  Survivors  147 

gested  here  that  if  Roberts  was  the  true  name  of  Big 
Harpe's  two  "wives,"  a  shrewd  criminal  would,  it 
seems,  hesitate  to  assume  it  as  an  alias,  for  the  name 
would  help  identify  him.  After  their  escape  from  the 
Danville  jail  the  governor  in  his  proclamation  of  re- 
ward for  their  capture  called  them  "Harpe  alias  Rob- 
erts," which  shows  that  their  actual  names  were  un- 
known. It  is  reasonable  to  assume  that  they  used  false 
names  as  the  necessity  arose.  When,  in  Henderson 
County,  they  represented  themselves  as  "preachers," 
they  must  have  used  fictitious  names  for  the  occasion. 
The  name  of  Harpe  became  so  full  of  terror  and  their 
description  as  "big"  and  "little"  brothers  was  so  broad- 
cast, that  change  of  name,  appearance  and  pretended 
occupation  was  necessary  to  their  safe  movement.  It 
will  later  appear  that  Little  Harpe,  after  his  escape 
from  Kentucky,  assumed  various  names,  none  of  which 
he  had  used  before  and  one  of  which  he  signed  under 
oath  to  an  official  document.17 

Having  told  of  some  of  the  deeds  the  Harpes  com- 
mitted, an  effort  is  now  made  to  picture  to  the  readers 

17  Whether  or  not  the  Harpes  were  brothers  and  Big  Harpe's  two 
"wives"  were  sisters  is  a  question  that  can  never  be  decided  definitely  by- 
history,  but  it  is  one  over  which  psychologists  may  long  argue.  If  the  two 
men  actually  were  brothers  and  the  two  women  actually  were  sisters,  it  is 
an  anomaly  in  nature.  The  Harpes  were  not  ordinary  criminals.  They 
were  abnormalities  in  a  type  that  is  itself  abnormal.  It  is  well  recognized 
that  abnormal  products  of  all  kinds  in  nature  are  exceptions  or  variations 
and  are  not  the  rule,  and  that  genius  in  creation,  in  destruction,  in  crime,  in 
art,  etc.  is  very  seldom  duplicated  by  the  same  parentage.  Abnormal  crimi- 
nals are  extremes  of  a  type  opposed  to  abnormal  geniuses  of  the  creative  or 
imaginative  type.  Brothers  or  sisters  in  either  class  occur  seldom,  if  ever. 
For  these  reasons,  a  parental  connection  between  the  two  Harpes  and  be- 
tween the  two  women  may  properly  be  doubted.  It  is  true  that  Big  Harpe 
was  the  heartless  leader  and  that  Little  Harpe  might  have  been  an  ordinary 
weakling,  obedient  to  Big  Harpe  because  he  feared  him  or  because  he  failed 
to  recognize  the  inhumanity  of  the  crimes  he  was  called  upon  to  commit. 
No  other  record  is  now  recalled  showing  such  a  horrible  partnership  between 
blood  brothers. 


148  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

how  the  monsters  looked  who  could  and  did  commit 
these  crimes.  The  career  of  the  Harpes  was  so  swift 
and  so  veiled  by  its  criminal  nature,  that  the  opportuni- 
ties to  examine  in  detail  their  appearance  and  manner 
was  very  brief.  "Dead  men  tell  no  tales"  and  since 
those  who  saw  the  Harpes  at  their  work  were  usually 
victims,  they  could  leave  no  record.  Those  who  have 
left  descriptions  received  them  from  others  who  had  had 
them  second  hand.  When  the  difference  in  observers 
and  conditions  is  considered,  and  when  the  disguises 
and  changes  of  attire  and  situation  are  allowed  for,  it  is 
surprising  to  find  that  a  plausible  and  convincing  por- 
trait is  made  of  Big  Harpe. 

As  already  stated,  Judge  James  Hall,  in  April,  1824, 
published  in  The  Port  Folio  a  brief  account  of  one  of 
the  crimes  committed  by  the  Harpes,  and  having  been 
accused  of  having  written  a  story  "unworthy  of  belief," 
he  published  in  the  same  magazine  about  a  year  later 
an  account  of  another  of  their  murders  and  convinced 
his  critics  and  other  readers  that  his  stories  of  the 
Harpe  atrocities  were  true.  Judge  Hall  evidently  con- 
tinued his  investigation  of  the  Harpes,  and  seems  to 
have  made  a  special  effort  to  gather  data  relative  to  their 
personal  appearance.  He  realized  that  fiction  is  often  a 
better  visualizer  of  persons  and  their  acts  than  is  formal 
history.  So  when,  in  1833,  ne  published  his  romance 
entitled  Harpe 's  Head,  and  later  republished  it  under 
the  title  of  Kentucky,  A  Tale,  his  readers  were  given  a 
striking  picture  of  the  Harpes,  and  especially  of  Big 
Harpe.  In  his  preface  to  this  romance  he  states  that 
although  the  tale  is  the  "offspring  of  invention,"  never- 
theless "two  of  the  characters  [the  two  Harpes]  intro- 
duced are  historical  and  their  deeds  are  still  freshly 
remembered  by  many  of  the  early  settlers  of  Kentucky." 


Mysteries  and  Fate  of  Survivors  149 

Their  acts  were,  he  explains  "of  a  character  too  atro- 
cious for  recital  in  a  work  of  this  description  .  .  . 
and  have  therefore  been  merely  introduced  into  a  tale 
wholly  fictitious." 

Judge  Hall's  description  of  Big  Harpe  is  as  follows: 
"His  appearance  was  too  striking  not  to  rivet  atten- 
tion. In  size  he  towered  above  the  ordinary  stature,  his 
frame  was  bony  and  muscular,  his  breast  broad,  his 
limbs  gigantic.  His  clothing  was  uncouth  and  shabby, 
his  exterior  weatherbeaten  and  dirty,  indicating  con- 
tinual exposure  to  the  elements,  and  pointing  out  this 
singular  person  as  one  who  dwelt  far  from  the  habita- 
tions of  men,  and  who  mingled  not  in  the  courtesies  of 
civilized  life.  He  was  completely  armed,  with  the 
exception  of  a  rifle,  which  seemed  to  have  only  been 
laid  aside  for  a  moment,  for  he  carried  the  usual  pow- 
der horn  and  pouch  of  the  backwoodsman.  A  broad 
leathern  belt,  drawn  closely  around  his  waist,  supported 
a  large  and  a  smaller  knife  and  a  tomahawk.  But  that 
which  attracted  the  gaze  of  all  .  .  .  was  his  bold 
and  ferocious  countenance,  and  its  strongly  marked  ex- 
pression of  villainy.  His  face,  which  was  larger  than 
ordinary,  exhibited  the  lines  of  ungovernable  passion, 
but  the  complexion  announced  that  the  ordinary  feel- 
ings of  the  human  breast  were  extinguished,  and  instead 
of  the  healthy  hue  which  indicates  the  social  emotions, 
there  was  a  livid,  unnatural  redness,  resembling  that  of 
a  dried  and  lifeless  skin.  The  eye  was  fearless  and 
steady,  but  it  was  also  artful  and  audacious,  glaring 
upon  the  beholder  with  an  unpleasant  fixedness  and 
brilliancy,  like  that  of  a  ravenous  animal  gloating  upon 
its  prey  and  concentrating  all  its  malignity  into  one 
fearful  glance.  He  wore  no  covering  on  his  head,  and 
the  natural  protection  of  thick,  coarse  hair,  of  a  fiery 


150  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

redness,  uncombed  and  matted,  gave  evidence  of  long 
exposure  to  the  rudest  visitations  of  the  sunbeam  and 
the  tempest.  He  seemed  some  desperate  outlaw,  an 
unnatural  enemy  of  his  species,  destitute  of  the  nobler 
sympathies  of  human  nature,  and  prepared  at  all  points 
for  assault  or  defense." 18 

It  is  a  vivid,  splendid  sketch  full-length;  a  portrai- 
ture in  full  keeping  with  the  idea  of  a  super-criminal 
and  his  crimes.  In  all  points  except  one  it  is  sustained 
as  to  its  faithfulness  by  the  scattered  fragments  of 
description  that  have  come  down  to  us  from  others 
speaking  independently.  The  disputed  point  is  the 
color  of  his  hair.  Instead  of  the  "fiery  redness"  that 
Hall  has  set  down  every  other  witness  makes  it  black. 
The  fact  quite  well  agreed  upon  that  Little  Harpe's 
hair  was  red,  suggests  that  in  this  particular  Hall's 
memory  confounded  the  two.  In  Governor  Garrard's 
proclamation  offering  a  reward  for  their  capture,  Big 
Harpe  is  described  as  being  "about  six  feet  high,  of 
robust  make,"  "built  very  straight,"  "full  fleshed  in  the 
face,"  "ill-looking  downcast  countenance,"  "his  hair 
black  and  short  but  comes  very  much  down  his  fore- 
head." Trabue  says  "the  big  man  is  pale,  dark,  swarthy, 
has  bushy  hair."  Breazeale  says  he  was  a  "very  large, 
brawny-limbed,  big-boned  man"  and  "of  a  most  vicious, 
savage  and  ferocious  countenance,"  while  Stewart 
[12F]  reports  him  as  "among  the  tallest  class  of  men, 
say  six  feet  two  to  six  feet  four  inches"  and  with  "sun- 

18  Lewis  Collins  prints  this  description  of  Big  Harpe  in  his  edition  of 
1847,  and  his  son  and  successor,  Richard  H.  Collins,  likewise  republished  it 
in  his  History  of  Kentucky  in  1874.  By  both  it  is  credited  to  Colonel  James 
Davidson.  The  elder  Collins  says  Colonel  Davidson  was  "personally  cog- 
nizant of  most  of  the  circumstances."  Judge  Hall's  Harpe's  Head  had  been 
published  in  1833  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  Colonel  Davidson  copied 
his  description  of  Big  Harpe,  word  for  word,  from  the  book,  relying  upon 
Judge  Hall's  opportunities  for  and  good  character  in  accuracy. 


Mysteries  and  Fate  of  Survivors  151 

ken  black  eyes,  a  downcast,  sour  look;  dark  hair  and 
high  cheek  bones."  As  to  the  hair  being  short  or  long, 
Draper,  as  already  stated,  recorded  in  one  of  his  unpub- 
lished note  books  the  pungent  and  grim  picture  of  Big 
Harpe's  wife  being  compelled,  after  his  death,  to  carry 
his  decapitated  head  some  distance  "by  the  hair."  There 
were  evidently  times  when  the  hair  of  both  Harpes  was, 
by  force  of  circumstances,  long  and  times  when  it  was 
short  during  that  terrible  year  they  scoured  the  wilder- 
ness. But  Big  Harpe's  hair  was  probably  black  or  dark 
and  may  have  been  curly. 

Little  Harpe  seems  to  have  passed  comparatively  un- 
observed in  the  presence  of  his  gigantic  elder.  Gov- 
ernor Garrard's  proclamation  does  not  even  mention 
Little  Harpe's  height,  but  says  he  "is  very  meager  in 
his  face,  has  short  black  hair,  but  not  quite  so  curly  as 
his  brother's,  he  looks  older,  though  really  younger." 
His  countenance  was  also  "downcast."  Hall  says  he 
"was  smaller  in  size,  but  having  the  same  suspicious 
exterior,  his  countenance  equally  fierce  and  sinister." 
Breazeale  passes  his  appearance  over,  while  Stewart, 
who  probably  got  his  account  of  Little  Harpe  from  the 
latter's  wife  while  she  was  in  his  custody,  merely  says 
he  was  "somewhat  under  common  size,  had  light  hair, 
blue  eyes  and  a  handsome  look."  It  may  be  thought 
that  the  wife  formulated  that  description  to  lead  his 
pursuers  astray.  But  the  Frankfort  Guardian  of  Free- 
dom,  of  February  29,  1804,  four  years  after  Big  Harpe's 
death,  contained  an  extract  "from  a  letter  from  a  gen- 
tleman in  the  Mississippi  territory,"  written  January 
8,  1804,  in  which  is  noted  the  arrest  and  trial  of  two 
outlaws  in  Greenville,  Mississippi,  one  of  whom,  al- 
though he  gave  another  name,  "was  proved  to  be  the 
villain  who  was  known  by  the  name  of  Little  or  Red- 


152  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

headed  Harpe  and  who  committed  so  many  acts  of 
cruelty  in  Kentucky."  Red  hair  was  the  particular 
mark  of  Little  Harpe. 

Curiosity  as  to  the  three  women  must  be  satisfied  with 
even  a  less  personal  account  and  description.  Hall  in 
his  Harpe' s  Head,  merely  says  of  them :  "Two  of  them 
were  coarse,  sunburnt,  and  wretchedly  attired  and  the 
other  somewhat  more  delicate  and  better  dressed." 
Major  Stewart,  who  had  them  in  personal  charge  for 
some  time  and  saved  them  from  being  lynched,  says 
that  Susan,  Big  Harpe's  first  wife,  was  "rather  tall, 
rawboned,  dark  hair  and  eyes,  and  rather  ugly,"  and 
was  about  twenty-five  years  old.  Betsey,  the  "supple- 
mentary" wife,  he  described  as  "rather  handsome,  light 
hair  and  blue  eyes  and  a  perfect  contrast  with  her  sis- 
ter." Sally,  the  wife  of  Little  Harpe,  he  records  was 
"really  pretty  and  delicate,"  about  twenty  years  old,  but 
he  gives  no  word  of  description.  It  is  to  be  assumed 
that  when  Major  Stewart  saw  them  they  had  been  re- 
stored to  cleanliness  and  decent  attire.  [12F] 

One  is  tempted  to  pause  and  reflect  upon  these  three 
women,  all  young  and  once  innocent  as  other  girls,  who 
had  so  swiftly  ridden  the  "hurricane  of  all  horrors" 
with  two  such  men,  had  borne  them  children  as  nomads 
do  traveling  the  desert.  One  had  had  her  child 
snatched  from  her  arm  by  Big  Harpe  and  seen  its  brains 
dashed  out  against  a  tree.  Yet  apparently  not  one  of 
the  three  attempted  to  escape  her  fate,  although  fre- 
quently separated  and  having  opportunity  to  do  so. 
The  normal  man  accustomed  to  normal  women  wonders 
what  they  looked  like  and  in  what  respect  the  horrors 
of  their  experience  had  affected  them.  In  the  absence 
of  all  description  that  curiosity  cannot  be  gratified. 

The  two  wives  of  Big  Harpe,  if  they  were  really 


Mysteries  and  Fate  of  Survivors  153 

sisters,  and  daughters  of  "old  Mr.  Roberts"  mentioned 
but  once  in  the  pitiable  record,  had  a  brother  of  whom 
the  Reverend  Jacob  Young,  in  his  Autobiography  of  a 
Pioneer,  has  drawn  a  portrait  scarcely  less  vivid  than 
that  which  Hall  drew  of  his  ferocious  brother-in-law, 
Big  Harpe.  It  is  a  curious  sensation  to  gaze  even  upon 
this  brother  of  two  such  women.  The  wandering 
preacher  tells  how,  in  1802,  he  entered  a  cabin  in 
Russell  County,  Kentucky,  where  he  had  an  appoint- 
ment to  conduct  religious  services.  While  singing  to  a 
small  audience  that  came  barefooted  and  bareheaded,  a 
man  of  remarkable  size,  who  was  even  more  poorly 
clad  than  the  others,  walked  into  the  room.  Then  fol- 
low the  preacher's  words: 

"Had  I  not  been  used  to  seeing  rough  men  on  the 
frontier  of  Kentucky  I  should  have  been  frightened. 
I  looked  him  fully  in  the  eyes  and  scanned  him  closely. 
His  hair  appeared  as  though  it  had  never  been  combed, 
and  made  me  think  of  old  Nebuchadnezzar  and  his 
head  'like  eagles'  feathers.'  He  wore  no  hat;  his  collar 
was  open  and  his  breast  bare;  there  was  neither  shoe 
nor  moccasin  on  his  feet.  I  finished  my  hymn,  kneeled 
down  and  prayed  and  took  my  text  to  preach.  The 
man  looked  for  no  seat,  but  stood  erect  gazing  on  the 
preacher.  Before  I  was  half  through  I  saw  the  tears 
roll  down  his  rough  cheeks.  I  closed  and  told  them 
that  on  that  day  four  weeks  I  would  be  there  again.  I 
rode  away,  but  could  not  forget  the  big  man.  I  was 
sure  he  had  distinguished  himself  some  way,  which 
made  me  anxious  to  find  out  his  history.  I  soon  found 
out  that  he  was  brother-in-law  to  the  infamous  robber 
Micajah  Harpe,  a  character  so  well  known  in  the  his- 
tory of  Kentucky.  No  doubt  they  had  been  together  in 
many  a  bloody  affray.     On  my  next  round  he  joined 


154  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

the  church,  and  soon  afterward  became  a  Christian.  He 
could  neither  read  nor  write.  I  procured  him  a  spell- 
ing book.  His  wife  taught  him  to  read,  and  he  soon 
learned  to  write.  On  my  fourth  round  I  appointed 
him  class  leader.  He  trimmed  off  his  hair,  bought  a 
new  hat,  clothed  himself  pretty  well,  and  became  a 
respectable  man.  I  heard  of  him  several  years  after- 
ward, and  he  was  still  holding  on  his  heavenly  way."  19 

But  what  was  the  ultimate  fate  of  the  Harpe  women, 
whether  hard,  commonplace  or  tinged  with  compensa- 
tory romance?  Draper  in  one  of  his  note  books  gives 
these  last  glimpses  of  them: 

"Betsey  Roberts  [the  supplementary  wife]  was  mar- 
ried to  John  Hufstetter.  They  lived  on  Colonel  An- 
thony Butler's  plantation  [near  Russellville]  as  a  tenant, 
and  Mrs.  Hufstetter  became  'chicken  raiser'  to  Mrs. 
Butler.  Many  years  ago  they  moved  to  Red  River,  in 
Tennessee,  and  thence  elsewhere,  probably  Duck  Riv- 
er. .  .  Her  child  grew  up  and  was  known  as  Joe 
Roberts,  and  the  last  known  of  him  he  was  enlisted  in 
the  army. 

"Susan  Harpe,  as  she  was  called,  also  lived  in  a  cabin 
on  Colonel  Butler's  plantation,  six  miles  south  of  Rus- 
sellville, and  being  industrious  made  a  living  chiefly  by 
weaving.     Her  daughter,  'Lovey,'  grew  up  to  woman- 

19  It  is  probable  that  in  the  early  days  many  an  outlaw  was  "said  to  be" 
a  kinsman  of  the  Harpes.  The  case  of  Mrs.  George  Heatherly,  referred  to 
in  the  History  of  Caldwell  and  Livingston  Counties,  Missouri,  1886,  is  one 
instance  discovered.  The  Heatherly  Gang,  according  to  this  account,  oper- 
ated in  the  Upper  Grand  River  country  of  northern  Missouri  in  1836  and  a 
few  years  preceding.  They  robbed  many  white  settlers  and  often  stole 
horses  from  the  Indians.  "Old  George  Heatherly  was  regarded  as  a  thief 
in  Kentucky  and  Mrs.  Heatherly  (his  wife)  was  a  sister  of  the  notorious 
Kentucky  murderers  and  freebooters,  Big  and  Little  Harpe  .  .  .  Old  Mrs. 
Heatherly  is  said  to  have  been  the  leading  spirit  of  the  gang,  prompting  and 
planning  many  a  dark  deed,  and  often  assisting  in  its  execution."  There  is 
no  proof  advanced,  however,  that  this  woman  was  a  sister  of  the  Harpes. 


Mysteries  and  Fate  of  Survivors  155 

hood -very  pretty,  common  size,  round  features,  hand- 
some form,  black  hair,  rather  dark  skin  and  a  dark  and 
sometimes  bad,  devilish  eye.  Her  temper  was  bad  at 
school  -  always  pouting  and  angry -no  one  associating 
with  her.  Yet  it  is  thought  had  Lovey  Harpe,  with  her 
beautiful  form  and  naturally  pretty  appearance,  been 
properly  brought  up,  under  the  circumstances  she 
would  not  only  have  been  a  belle,  but  really  a  fine 
woman.  But,  soured  from  neglect  and  obloquy,  it  is  no 
wonder  she  threw  herself  away.  And  both  herself  and 
her  mother  were  finally  driven  from  the  neighborhood 
for  their  bad  character-went  to  Christian  County  on 
the  waters  of  Pond  River,  where  Colonel  Butler  had  a 
mill -there  old  Susan  died,  and  poor  Lovey,  destitute 
and  forsaken,  went  down  the  Mississippi  to  Pearl, 
where,  by  this  time,  Colonel  Butler  had  removed  -  and 
with  his  family  went  to  Texas.     .     .20 

"When  Sally  Harpe  was  tried,  her  father,  Parson 
Rice,  was  present,  a  man  of  fine,  irreproachable  char- 
acter, and  took  his  prodigal  daughter  home  near  Knox- 
ville.  It  was  said,  and  doubtless  truly,  that  Sally  was 
thought  a  fine  girl  until  she  married  Wiley  Harpe.  In 
1820  Major  Stewart  was  at  Ford's  Ferry  on  the  Ohio  (a 
few  miles  above  Cave-in-Rock)  and  saw  Parson  Rice, 

20  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  Susan  Harpe,  wife  of  Big  Harpe,  many 
years  after  his  death  tried  to  convey  the  impression  that  Little  Harpe,  not 
Big  Harpe,  was  the  greater  villain.  Draper,  recording  some  statements  made 
to  him  by  George  Herndon  who  lived  near  Russellville,  says  that  Big  Harpe's 
wife  told  Mrs.  Herndon  that  "Big  Harpe  said  to  Little  Harpe  that  he  thought 
they  had  better  quit  killing  people  and  go  to  some  backwoods  country,  for  if 
they  did  not,  he  feared  they  would  be  detected  and  killed.  Whereupon,  Little 
Harpe  flew  into  a  passion,  cursed  his  brother  for  a  coward,  and  said  if  he 
ever  talked  that  way  again  he  would  shoot  him."  In  order  to  defend  him 
further,  she  declared  that  "Some  days  before  Big  Harpe's  death  he  fancied 
the  ground  continually  trembling  beneath  his  feet."  In  this  way  she  tried 
to  show  that  Big  Harpe  actually  did  suffer  great  fear  and  remorse  of  con- 
science and  insinuated  that  Little  Harpe  was  beyond  the  reach  of  such 
feelings.  [12F] 


156  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

his  family,  Sally  and  her  [second]  husband  moving  to 
Illinois.  He  did  not  recognize  them,  but  thought  he 
knew  them,  particularly  Sally,  who  eyed  him  closely 
and,  after  a  little,  went  to  one  side,  sat  down  and  with 
her  face  in  her  hands,  had  a  weeping  spell,  doubtlessly 
recounting  her  Harpe  adventures,  prompted  by  the 
presence  of  one  of  the  few  persons  who  had  treated  her 
with  civility  and  kindness  in  her  wayward  career.  After 
he  left  them,  Major  Stewart  recollected  hearing  the  old 
gentleman  called  Rice  and  the  identity  flashed  upon  his 
mind.  Sally  Harpe's  daughter  had  then  grown  to 
womanhood  and  was  a  fine  looking  young  lady."  [12F] 
The  girl  referred  to  by  Stewart  as  Sally  Harpe's  daugh- 
ter was,  in  all  probability,  not  a  daughter  of  Harpe. 

And  so  vanished  from  the  scene,  swallowed  up  in  the 
events  of  the  rapidly  developing  country,  all  the  prin- 
cipals in  this  terrible  epic  of  pioneer  days. 

But  Little  Harpe's  career  was  not  finished.  He  con- 
tinued the  life  of  an  outlaw  and  after  a  few  years,  as  we 
shall  see,  received  his  deserts  at  the  hands  of  frontier 
justice. 


Mason -Soldier,  Pirate,  Highwayman 

In  the  pioneer  history  of  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi 
valley,  Samuel  Mason  stands  as  one  of  the  shrewdest 
and  most  resourceful  of  outlaws.  The  Harpes  were 
more  widely  known  and  were  more  terrible  characters; 
their  notoriety  was  due  to  their  great  brutality.  Mason 
robbed  along  the  roads  and  rivers  solely  for  the  purpose 
of  getting  money;  the  Harpes  killed  men,  women,  and 
children  simply  to  gratify  a  lust  for  cruelty.  The  two 
Harpes  were  the  worst  and  most  abnormal  of  their 
kind,  while  Mason  was  one  of  the  shrewdest  and  there- 
fore one  of  the  most  "successful"  of  bandits. 

These  three  offer  the  criminologist  a  field  for  study 
of  one  of  the  phases  of  pioneer  life- a  life  that  has  long 
been  of  interest  from  a  historical  standpoint.  Samuel 
Mason  will  be  cited  in  history  and  criminology  as  a 
striking  example  of  a  lawless  man  receiving  his  just 
reward.  In  the  meantime,  genealogists  will  probably 
continue  to  exclude  this  "black  sheep"  from  his  family. 
An  attempt  was  made  long  ago  to  tear  his  "branch" 
from  the  family  tree  so  that  his  name  and  those  of  his 
children  would  not  mar  the  beauty  of  a  stem  honored 
with  the  names  of  famous  men  and  women.  It  was 
without  doubt  the  frontier  life  that  Samuel  Mason 
entered,  and  not  the  family  from  which  he  sprang  that 
made  him  what  he  was. 

Mason  was  a  most  striking  and  interesting  figure. 
He  had  excellent  birth;  he  had  been  a  fighting  soldier 
on  the  western  frontier  in  the  American  Revolution, 


158  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

acquitting  himself  with  courage.  It  is  not  clear  how 
such  a  man  in  time  of  peace  developed  into  a  highway- 
man and  after  years  of  outlawry  came  to  such  a  terrible 
death.  A  portion  of  his  history  is  missing  and  prob- 
ably will  always  remain  a  mystery,  but  his  criminal  ex- 
ploits will  lack  the  proper  contrast  unless  his  origin  and 
his  early  services  as  a  patriot  are  presented. 

He  was  born  in  Virginia  about  the  year  1750.  Thir- 
ty-five years  after  his  death  Draper  recorded  in  one  of 
his  note  books  that  "Mason  was  connected  by  ties  of 
consanguinity  with  the  distinguished  Mason  family  of 
Virginia,  and  grew  up  bad  from  his  boyhood."  [12H] 
This  has  been  assumed  in  some  quarters  to  connect  him 
closely  with  George  Mason,  one  of  the  signers  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  but  there  is  no  proof  of 
it.  He  was  a  captain  in  the  American  Revolution.  Two 
of  his  brothers,  Thomas  and  Joseph,  were  among  the 
useful,  honest  pioneers  in  the  West.  They  started  with 
George  Rogers  Clark  on  his  expedition  to  Vincennes, 
but  "when  Clark  reached  Louisville  he  scattered  some 
of  his  men  among  the  neighboring  stations  of  Beargrass 
[near  Louisville].  .  .  Of  this  party  were  .  .  . 
Thomas  and  Joseph  Mason,  brothers  of  Captain  Sam- 
uel Mason."  [12C]  Another  brother,  Isaac  Mason, 
married  Catherine  Harrison,  sister  of  Benjamin  and 
William  Harrison,  and  as  early  as  1770  moved  from 
Virginia  to  Pennsylvania  where  he  became  one  of  the 
wealthiest  and  most  influential  citizens  of  Fayette 
County.  [76]  These  three  Mason  brothers,  like  Sam- 
uel Mason  himself,  were,  each  in  a  different  way,  pro- 
ducts of  their  environment  and  their  times.  Pioneer 
times,  like  most  other  periods,  produced  a  variety  of 
characters  and  Samuel  Mason  rapidly  developed  into  a 
product  quite  distinct  from  most  men  of  his  day. 


Soldier,  Pirate,  Highwayman  159 

It  is  not  often  that  the  lineage  of  a  highwayman  can 
be  traced  back  to  a  position  so  honorably  distinguished 
as  that  of  an  officer  in  the  American  Revolution,  yet 
such  was  Samuel  Mason.  After  fighting  for  the  free- 
dom of  his  country  he  drifted  down  the  Ohio  to  west- 
ern Kentucky  and  the  Cave-in-Rock  country  and  there 
began  a  wild  and  free  career  unrestrained  by  either 
human  or  divine  law. 

Before  taking  up  Mason's  military  history  it  may  be 
well  to  recall  a  few  facts  pertaining  to  the  American 
Revolution :  The  first  battle  in  that  war  was  fought  at 
Lexington,  Massachusetts,  April  19,  1775;  the  sur- 
render of  Cornwallis  took  place  at  Yorktown,  Virginia, 
October  19,  1781.  While  these  and  other  battles  be- 
tween were  being  fought  in  the  colonies  along  the  At- 
lantic coast,  the  frontiersmen  west  of  the  Alleghenies 
were  engaged  in  the  same  war  with  the  British  and 
their  Indian  allies.  On  June  24,  1778,  George  Rogers 
Clark  left  Louisville  with  about  one  hundred  and  fifty 
men  and  floated  down  the  Ohio,  passing  Cave-in-Rock, 
and  at  Fort  Massac,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Cumber- 
land, began  his  march  through  Illinois;  he  captured 
Vincennes  August  1  and  thus  saved  the  west  for  the 
American  colonies.  Between  Vincennes  and  the  Old 
Settlements  lay  a  vast  country  held,  after  many  hard 
fights,  by  the  settlers  who  occupied  it. 

It  was  in  this  frontier  defense  of  the  upper  Ohio 
River  region  that  Samuel  Mason  took  part.  A  com- 
plete history  of  his  career  as  a  Revolutionary  soldier 
cannot,  at  this  late  day,  be  compiled ;  but,  from  the  few 
statements  regarding  him  that  appear  in  printed  his- 
tory and  from  a  few  old  documents  still  extant,  suffi- 
cient evidence  can  be  gathered  to  show  that  Mason  was 


160  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

not  only  a  soldier,  but  that  he  took  a  very  active  part  in 
the  struggle. 

When  and  where  he  enlisted  is  not  known.  He  prob- 
ably did  so  in  Ohio  County,  Virginia  (now  West  Vir- 
ginia). In  the  List  of  the  Revolutionary  Soldiers  of 
Virginia,  issued  in  191 2  by  the  Virginia  State  Library, 
his  name  appears  as  a  captain  of  the  Ohio  County 
Militia.  The  earliest  record  of  his  military  life  is  one 
showing  that  in  May,  1777,  he  pursued  some  Indians 
who  had  robbed  and  killed  a  family  about  fifty  miles 
below  Pittsburgh.  Mason  started  from  one  of  the  forts 
above  Fort  Henry,  now  Wheeling,  West  Virginia,  and 
"at  the  head  of  ten  militia  gallantly  followed  the  mur- 
derers." Although  he  killed  only  one  Indian  he 
frightened  and  scattered  the  others  so  badly  that  the 
expedition  was  regarded  a  success.  "This  brave  young 
man,"  says  the  report  written  a  few  days  later,  "will  no 
doubt  meet  a  reward  adequate  to  his  merit."    [131] 

About  two  months  later  we  find  him  at  Grave  Creek 
Fort,  twelve  miles  below  Fort  Henry.  He  started  on 
another  Indian  pursuit  July  15.  On  the  17th  he  wrote 
an  account  of  this  chase  and  forwarded  it  from  Fort 
Henry  to  General  Edward  Hand,  whose  headquarters 
were  at  Pittsburgh.  The  original  letter  is  in  the  Draper 
Collection.  More  than  a  dozen  documents  signed  by 
Mason  are  preserved  in  the  Draper  Collection;  all  are 
signed  Samuel  Mason,  except  one  letter,  dated  August 
12,  1777,  which  is  signed  Samuel  Meason.21  The  letter 
of  July  17,  1777,  like  other  documents  just  referred  to, 
shows  that  Samuel  Mason  was  at  least  sufficiently 
familiar  with  the  "three  Rs"  to  attempt  to  report  in  his 
own  handwriting  some  of  the  operations  of  the  militia 

21  Family    names   were    spelled    indifferently    in    colonial    and    republican 
times.     In  the  fashion  of  English  speech  Meason  was  pronounced   Mason. 


Soldier,  Pirate,  Highwayman  161 

under  him.  In  it  he  describes  how  a  number  of  men, 
led  first  by  Lieutenant  Samuel  Tomlinson  and  then  by 
himself,  had  gone  in  pursuit  of  Indians  and  returned 
after  two  futile  scouting  expeditions.  The  suggestion 
made  in  this  letter  that  he  and  his  company  be  trans- 
ferred to  Fort  Henry  was  carried  out.    [12J] 

Fort  Henry  was  a  comparatively  old  place  when  this 
letter  was  written.  The  three  Zane  brothers  and  a 
small  party  of  emigrants  had  settled  there  in  1769.  The 
fort  was  built  in  1774  and  was  at  first  called  Fincastle. 
In  1776  the  name  was  changed  to  Fort  Henry  in  honor 
of  Patrick  Henry,  Governor  of  Virginia.  Up  to  the 
latter  part  of  August,  1777,  it  was  not  garrisoned  by 
regular  soldiery,  but  its  defense,  like  that  of  some  of 
the  other  frontier  forts,  was  left  to  those  who  might 
seek  shelter  within  its  walls.  By  1777  it  had  become  a 
flourishing  settlement  with  about  thirty  houses  around 
it.  Scouts  were  employed  to  watch  for  Indians  and  a 
warning  from  the  men  on  guard  made  it  possible  for  all 
the  inhabitants  of  the  place  to  retire  to  the  fort  on  a 
moment's  notice. 

General  Hand,  expecting  an  Indian  attack  on  the 
fort,  ordered  Captain  Mason  and  his  men  to  proceed 
there  immediately  and  help  defend  it.  Captain  Mason 
arrived  August  12,  and  sent  a  report  the  same  day  to 
General  Hand  that  he  would  "urge  and  push"  the  work 
and  expected  to  be  fully  prepared  in  a  few  days  to 
resist  the  enemy.  [12J]  By  the  middle  of  the  month 
there  were  less  than  one  hundred  militia  stationed  at 
the  fort.  After  all  preparations  had  been  completed 
the  men  became  impatient,  for  there  was  nothing  to 
indicate  the  approach  of  Indians. 

On  the  night  of  August  31  Captain  Joseph  Ogle, 
who  with  twelve  other  men  had  been  watching  the  path 


1 62  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

leading  to  Fort  Henry,  came  in  and  reported  that  no 
signs  of  the  enemy  had  been  discovered.  That  same 
night,  however,  four  hundred  Indians,  led  by  a  few 
whites,  succeeded  in  placing  themselves  in  ambush  near 
the  fort.  They  lay  in  two  lines  concealed  by  a  corn 
field.  Between  these  lines,  along  a  road  leading  through 
the  corn  field,  were  stationed  six  Indians  who  could  be 
seen  by  any  one  entering  the  road  from  the  fort,  and 
who  were  placed  in  that  position  for  the  purpose  of 
decoying  some  of  the  whites  within  the  line.  The  next 
morning-  September  i  -two  men  going  out  after  some 
horses  walked  along  the  road  and  passed  some  of  the 
concealed  Indians,  unaware  of  their  presence.  They 
had  proceeded  but  a  few  steps  when,  to  their  great  sur- 
prise, they  discovered  the  six  Indians  standing  not  far 
ahead.  The  two  men  turned  and  ran  for  the  fort.  One 
of  them  was  shot,  but  the  other  was  permitted  to  escape 
that  he  might  give  the  alarm. 

Mason,  hearing  there  were  only  six  Indians  near  the 
fort,  proceeded  with  fourteen  men  to  attack  them.  He 
soon  discovered  that  he  had  been  trapped  by  several 
hundred  and  that  retreat  was  impossible.  All  of  his 
men  were  massacred.  Captain  Ogle  and  twelve  scouts, 
ignorant  of  the  strength  of  the  enemy,  rushed  from  the 
fort  expecting  to  rescue  their  comrades,  but  most  of 
them  were  killed  in  the  attempt.  Of  the  twenty-eight 
soldiers  who  took  part  in  this  bloody  battle  only  five 
escaped,  among  them  Captains  Mason  and  Ogle. 
Mason,  after  being  severely  wounded,  concealed  him- 
self behind  a  fallen  tree  until  the  Indians  withdrew. 
[140] 

Mason's  venture  from  the  fort,  it  seems,  was  a  daring 
deed  performed  without  consideration  of  its  various 
possible  consequences.     Dr.  Joseph  Doddridge,  in  one 


Soldier,  Pirate,  Highwayman  163 

of  his  manuscripts  written  about  1820,  says  that  the 
garrison  was  too  hasty  in  concluding  that  the  warning 
sent  by  General  Hand  was  a  false  alarm,  and  further 
comments  that  Mason's  act  was  another  instance  of  the 
"folly  and  rashness  of  our  militia  of  early  times."  [130] 

In  the  light  of  a  knowledge  of  Mason's  later  life,  this 
act  of  bravery,  foolish  though  it  may  have  been,  sug- 
gests that  he  then  may  have  had  in  him  the  daring 
necessary  for  an  outlaw,  whose  self-assurance  of  success 
was  too  great  to  give  the  possibility  of  failure  serious 
consideration. 

Captain  Mason  remained  at  Fort  Henry  until  the 
autumn  of  1779.  His  presence  there  is  shown  by  a 
score  of  receipts  now  in  the  Draper  Collection,  one  of 
which  reads:  "Fort  Henry  27th  April  1778  Received 
fourteen  Flints  of  Zephaniah  Blackford  for  the  Use  of 
my  Company  Given  my  hand.  Samuel  Mason  Capt." 
[12N]  He  was  on  Brodhead's  Allegheny  campaign  in 
August  and  September,  1779.  [130]  After  this  expedi- 
tion he  retired  from  active  service  at  Fort  Henry  and 
was  succeeded  by  Captain  Benjamin  Briggs.  Mason 
was,  however,  militia  captain  in  Ohio  County,  Vir- 
ginia, as  late  as  May,  1781,  as  his  attendance  at  the 
Courts  Martial  proves.    [76] 

Such  is,  in  brief,  a  glimpse  of  Mason's  military  ca- 
reer as  gleaned  from  scattered  records.  In  1845  Draper 
filed  among  his  manuscripts  a  letter  which  states  that 
"Capt.  Mason  resided  where  Daniel  Steenrod's  house 
now  is,  two  miles  east  of  Wheeling,  and  kept  a  tavern 
there  in  1780."  [12M]  Another  of  his  notes  is  to  the 
effect  that  Mason  lived  on  Wheeling  Creek  at  the 
Narrows,  and  that  in  the  spring  of  1782  Indians  stole 
some  of  his  negroes.  He  and  a  man  named  Peter  Stal- 
naker  went  in  pursuit.     The  Indians,  seeing  the  two 


164  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

men  coming,  concealed  themselves  behind  a  large  rock 
a  little  above  the  Narrows  and  from  that  position  they 
shot  and  killed  Stalnaker.  Mason  fled  and  escaped 
unhurt.  [12A] 

Captain  Samuel  Murphy,  whom  Draper  interviewed 
in  1846,  gave  the  historian  a  number  of  facts  pertaining 
to  the  siege  of  Wheeling  and  in  his  comments  on  Mason 
said:  "Mason,  many  years  before  [i.e.  before  he  was 
wounded  at  Wheeling]  had  stolen  horses  from  Colonel 
Hite  [in  Frederick  County,  Virginia]  was  pursued 
and  overtaken,  and  Mason  wounded  and  the  horses  re- 
covered. Mason's  brother,  Colonel  Isaac  Mason,  was 
a  very  respectable  man.  When  Mason  subsequently 
turned  robber,  he  would  give  the  up-country  people  a 
sufficient  sum  of  money  to  take  them  home."  [12B] 
In  The  Casket  Magazine  of  July,  1834,  William  Dar- 
by writes:  "Well  would  it  have  been  for  Captain 
Samuel  Mason  if  he  had  fallen  with  his  gallant  com- 
panions on  the  field  at  Wheeling."  Mason  evidently 
did  not  remain  around  Wheeling  longer  than  a  year  or 
two  after  the  close  of  the  Revolution.  Why  or  when 
he  drifted  to  east  Tennessee  is  not  known. 

What  character  of  man  Mason  was  when  he  reached 
the  prime  of  life  can  be  gathered  from  an  unpublished 
paragraph  written  by  Draper  about  1840,  after  an  inter- 
view with  Colonel  G.  W.  Sevier:  "He  first  took  posses- 
sion, without  leave  or  license,  of  some  unoccupied  cab- 
ins belonging  to  General  John  Sevier  in  Washington 
County,  east  Tennessee,  with  several  worthless  louts 
around  him;  one  was  named  Barrow.  Mason  and  his 
party  were  not  known  to  work  and  were  soon  charged 
with  stealing  from  negro  cabins  on  Sabbath  days  when 
their  occupants  were  attending  church;  and  articles 
thus  stolen  were  found  in  their  possession.     General 


Soldier,  Pirate,  Highwayman  165 

Sevier  gave  notice  to  Mason,  who  had  by  sufferance 
remained  on  his  place,  that  he  and  his  party  must  leave 
the  country  within  a  specified  time.  Knowing  the  char- 
acter of  General  Sevier,  that  he  was  a  man  not  to  be 
trifled  with,  Mason  and  his  friends  wisely  took  them- 
selves off."  [12H] 

We  next  hear  of  him  in  western  Kentucky.  It  is 
likely  that  one  of  his  purposes  in  going  to  that  section 
of  the  country  was  to  take  up  the  land  granted  to  him 
for  services  rendered  as  a  Virginia  soldier  in  the  Revo- 
lution. When  he  moved  west  is  not  known.  Finley 
says  he  settled  on  Red  River,  south  of  Russellville,  in 
1 78 1.  His  youngest  son,  as  we  shall  see  later,  was  born 
in  western  Kentucky  about  1787,  showing  that  the  Ma- 
sons had  arrived  some  time  during  or  before  that  year. 
In  1790  a  petition  was  circulated  by  the  settlers  in  Lin- 
coln County,  Kentucky,  who  were  living  on  the  Vir- 
ginia military  grants  between  Green  and  Cumberland 
Rivers,  asking  the  General  Assembly  of  Virginia  to 
establish  a  county  south  of  Green  River.  As  a  result, 
two  years  later,  all  western  Kentucky  was  formed  into 
a  new  county  called  Logan.  This  petition  was  signed 
by  one  hundred  and  fifteen  men,  among  them  Samuel 
Mason  and  one  named  Thomas  Mason,  who  may  have 
been  the  eldest  son  of,  or  one  of  the  brothers  of,  Cap- 
tain Samuel  Mason.  Inasmuch  as  its  signers,  as  far  as 
is  known,  were  "respectable  citizens,"  it  is  likely  that 
Mason  was  considered  such  when  he  signed,  either  be- 
cause he  tried  to  be  one  or  because  he  succeeded  in  pass- 
ing as  such. 

The  petition  recites:  "That  your  Petitioners  find 
themselves  sensibly  aggrieved  by  their  distance  from 
Courts  of  Justice,  it  being  near  two  hundred  miles  from 
this  settlement  to  Lincoln  Court  House,  by  which,  when 


1 66  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

business  renders  our  attendance  indispensably  neces- 
sary, we  are  frequently  exposed  to  much  danger  in 
traveling  through  an  uninhabited  country,  being  subject 
to  fines  and  other  inconveniences,  when  from  high  wa- 
ters, enemies  near  our  frontiers,  or  other  causes,  it  is 
impossible  to  attend."  [106]  Mason  possibly  did  not 
then  dream  that  in  the  near  future  he  himself  would 
become  one  of  the  worst  "enemies  near  our  frontiers" 
and  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  great  dangers  to  which 
men  were  exposed  "in  traveling  through  an  uninhabited 
country." 

Mason's  domestic  life  in  the  wilderness  of  the  lower 
Ohio  evidently  was,  in  the  beginning,  up  to  the  standard 
of  the  average  early  settler.  But  in  the  wild  woods,  far 
away  from  companionship  and  influence  of  law-abiding 
citizens,  the  best  of  men  were  subject  to  deterioration. 
Men  of  education,  illiterates,  and  all  other  pioneers 
were  alike  exposed  to  this  strong  influence  of  frontier 
life.  Many  men  who,  by  their  inborn  nature  or  by  their 
own  choice  disregarded  law  and  order,  necessarily  be- 
came, by  one  route  or  another,  outcasts.  Mason  fell  and 
fell  fast,  and  became  not  only  an  outcast,  but  a  notorious 
outlaw.  The  only  argument  that  can  be  presented  in 
his  defense  is  that  he  was,  to  some  extent,  a  peculiar 
product  of  his  times  -  only  more  "highly  developed" 
than  contemporaneous  outlaws  who  were  products  of 
the  same  influences  and  environment.  It  should  be 
added  in  justice  to  Mason  that,  unlike  the  Harpes,  he 
was  out  for  booty  and  that  he  personally  never  shed 
blood  unless  it  became  absolutely  necessary  for  his  own 
safety. 

To  what  extent  Mason  had  fallen  by  1794  can  be 
gathered  from  an  entry  quoted  from  Benjamin  Van 
Cleve's  diary,  made  in  July  of  that  year  on  his  return 


Soldier,  Pirate,  Highwayman  167 

to  Cincinnati  from  Fort  Massac.  Van  Cleve,  with 
Major  Thomas  Doyle  and  a  number  of  other  men,  left 
Fort  Washington,  now  Cincinnati,  on  March  16,  1794, 
with  ten  boats  to  repair  Fort  Massac  and  to  supply  the 
place  with  provisions.  They  arrived  at  the  fort  June 
12,  and  three  weeks  later  some  of  the  men,  including 
Van  Cleve,  started  on  their  return  up  the  river.  On 
July  8  they  landed  at  Red  Banks,  now  Henderson. 
Here  are  the  entries  taken  from  The  American  Pioneer, 
published  in  1843 : 

"July  8.  [1794]  Came  to  Red  Banks. 

"July  9.  The  weather  unpleasant,  and  the  company 
of  soldiers  disagreeable.  We  [four  men]  determined 
to  quit  the  boat  and  travel  the  residue  of  the  way  by 
land.  Made  preparations  to  set  off  in  the  morning. 
This  place  is  a  refuge,  not  for  the  oppressed,  but  for  all 
the  horse  thieves,  rogues,  and  outlaws  that  have  been 
able  to  effect  their  escape  from  justice  in  the  neighbor- 
ing states.  Neither  law  nor  gospel  has  been  able  to 
reach  here  as  yet.  A  commission  of  the  peace  had  been 
sent  by  Kentucky  to  one  Mason ;  and  an  effort  had  been 
made  by  the  south-west  territory  (Tennessee)  to  intro- 
duce law  as  it  was  unknown  as  yet  to  which  it  belonged ; 
but  the  inhabitants  drove  the  persons  away  and  insisted 
on  doing  without.  I  inquired  how  they  managed  to 
marry,  and  was  told  that  the  parties  agreed  to  take  each 
other  for  husband  and  wife  before  their  friends.  I  was 
shown  two  cabins,  with  about  the  width  of  a  street  be- 
tween them,  where  two  men  a  short  time  ago  had  ex- 
changed wives.  An  infair  was  given  today  by  Mason 
to  a  fellow  named  Kuykendall  who  had  run  away  from 
Carolina  on  account  of  crimes,  and  had  run  off  with 
Mason's  daughter  to  Diamond  Island  station,  a  few 
weeks  ago.    The  father  had  forbid  him  the  house  and 


1 68  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

threatened  to  take  his  life,  but  had  become  reconciled, 
and  had  sent  for  them  to  come  home.  The  parents  and 
friends  were  highly  diverted  at  the  recital  of  the  young 
couple's  ingenuity  in  the  courtship,  and  laughed  heart- 
ily when  the  woman  told  it.  She  said  she  had  come 
down  stairs  after  all  the  family  had  retired,  having  her 
petticoat  around  her  shoulders,  and  returned  with  him 
through  her  parents'  room,  with  the  petticoat  around 
both ;  and  in  the  morning  she  brought  him  down  in  the 
same  manner  before  daylight.  This  Kuykendall,  I  was 
told,  always  carried  in  his  waistcoat  pockets  'devil's 
claws,'  instruments,  or  rather  weapons,  that  he  could 
slip  his  fingers  in,  and  with  which  he  could  take  off  the 
whole  side  of  a  man's  face  at  one  claw.  We  left  them 
holding  their  frolic. 

"I  afterwards  heard  that  Kuykendall  was  killed  by 
some  of  the  party  at  the  close  of  the  ball. 

"July  10.    Left  Red  Banks." 

Ministers  and  certain  others,  in  pioneer  days  as  at 
present  were  licensed  to  solemnize  marriages  according 
to  the  laws  established  by  the  state.  But  a  compliance 
with  the  church  law  was,  in  the  eyes  of  the  Masons,  a 
useless  form.  They  disregarded  all  laws,  as  it  suited 
them.  In  that  section  of  Kentucky  the  execution  of  the 
laws  was  in  the  hands  of  Captain  John  Dunn,  a  Revo- 
lutionary soldier  who  was  one  of  the  first  settlers  at 
Henderson  and  who,  in  1792,  was  appointed  its  first 
constable.  Starling  in  his  History  of  Henderson  Coun- 
ty, Kentucky,  says  that  Captain  Dunn  was  "the  only 
recognized  officer  of  the  law  in  all  this  territory"  up  to 
September,  1796,  when  he  was  authorized  to  "raise 
three  men  to  act  as  patrol  at  the  Red  Banks."  This  in- 
crease in  patrol  became  necessary  not  only  because  the 


Soldier,  Pirate,  Highwayman  169 

number  of  settlers  was  gradually  growing  larger,  but 
also  because  the  wild  conduct  of  such  men  as  Mason 
made  it  imperative. 

That  the  presence  or  absence  of  the  patrol  was  a 
matter  of  equal  indifference  to  the  Masons  is  shown  by 
some  notes  Draper  received  from  Mrs.  William  An- 
thony, daughter  of  Captain  John  Dunn.  [12K]  In  her 
letter  she  writes  that  Mason  and  his  family  were  among 
the  original  settlers  of  Henderson  County  and  that  with 
Samuel  Mason  were  "a  brother-in-law  named  Duff, 
and  perhaps  a  son-in-law."  Whether  or  not  this  Duff 
to  whom  she  so  briefly  refers  was  the  counterfeiter  Duff 
is  not  known.  She  states  that  about  1795  Samuel  Ma- 
son requested  Captain  Dunn  to  sign  "some  instruments 
of  writing."  Captain  Dunn  declined  to  sign  the  paper, 
saying  he  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  any  such 
"rascal"  as  he  was.  This  refusal  aroused  Mason  and  a 
few  days  later  he  and  four  of  his  men  "fell  upon  Cap- 
tain Dunn  in  Henderson,  drew  their  concealed  weap- 
ons and  beat  him  entirely  senseless  and  until  they 
thought  he  was  certainly  dead,  and  then  threw  his  body 
over  a  fence  close  by.  But  Captain  Dunn  unexpectedly 
recovered."  Their  hatred  of  Dunn  then  grew  greater 
than  ever. 

Shortly  after  Captain  Dunn  experienced  this  narrow 
escape  from  death  Hugh  Knox,  afterwards  Judge 
Knox,  of  Henderson,  "incurring  the  displeasure  of  the 
Masons,  was  badly  beaten  by  them.  Others  fared  no 
better."  One  day  the  Masons  stole  a  negro  woman  and 
her  two  children  belonging  to  Knox  and  took  them  to 
"their  then  quarters  at  the  mouth  of  Highland  Creek." 
Knox  raised  a  party,  including  Captain  Dunn,  and 
managed  to  regain  the  three  negroes.  Dunn's  partici- 
pation in  this  rescue  aroused  the  Masons  against  him  to 


170  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

an  even  greater  degree.  One  day  Thomas  Mason,  the 
oldest  son  of  Samuel  Mason,  came  to  Red  Banks  with 
his  rifle  and  threatened  to  kill  Dunn.  Mrs.  Dunn,  hear- 
ing of  the  threat,  begged  Thomas  Durbin,  Dunn's  cou- 
sin, who  had  just  arrived  with  a  flatboat  going  down  the 
river,  to  try  to  pacify  young  Mason  and  take  the  gun 
from  him.  Durbin  being  a  stranger,  it  was  thought  he 
would  succeed.  But  Durbin  had  little  more  than  begun 
talking  to  Thomas  Mason  and  made  known  the  object 
of  his  interview,  when  Mason,  without  any  comment, 
shot  him  dead,  and  fled. 

Mrs.  Anthony  in  the  same  letter  to  Draper  writes: 
"Late  in  December,  1797,  early  on  a  cold  morning, 
Captain  Dunn,  accompanied  by  Thomas  Smith,  started 
on  horseback  for  Knob  Lick,  carrying  out  corn  meal 
and  intending  to  bring  back  salt.  As  they  were  coming 
near  the  ford  on  Canoe  Creek,  three  miles  below  Hen- 
derson, Captain  Dunn  remarked  that  many  a  time,  in 
former  years,  he  dreaded  the  crossing  of  that  creek  on 
account  of  the  Masons,  as  it  was  so  well  fitted  to  waylay 
the  unwary,  but  now  that  the  Masons  had  gone  so  far 
below  [to  Cave-in-Rock]  he  no  longer  apprehended 
danger  from  them.  The  words  were  scarcely  uttered  - 
they  were  about  midway  the  small  stream  -  when  the 
crack  of  a  rifle  told  too  plainly  that  villainy  yet  lurked 
there.  Captain  Dunn  fell  from  his  horse  into  the  partly 
frozen  stream.  Thomas  Smith  got  but  a  glimpse  of  the 
person  who  did  the  deed ;  he  could  not,  in  the  confusion 
of  the  moment,  define  his  features.  The  wretch  darted 
off  and  Smith  conveyed  Dunn  home,  where  he  died  in 
a  few  hours.  When  asked  if  he  knew  the  person  who 
shot  him  he  answered  that  'it  was  that  bad  man.'  This 
allusion  was  probably  to  Henry  Havard,  a  young  man 
who  was  a  friend  and  supposed  accomplice  of  the  Ma- 


Soldier,  Pirate,  Highwayman  171 

sons."  Thus  ended  the  life  of  the  first  constable  of  Red 
Banks,  and  with  this  killing  the  work  of  the  Masons  in 
Henderson  County  ended.  And  with  his  departure 
from  there,  Mason's  life  went  from  bad  to  worse.22 

About  the  time  Mason  and  his  gang  left  Henderson 
County  there  appeared  in  Red  Banks  and  on  Diamond 
Island  a  man  named  May.  Mrs.  Anthony  calls  him 
Isaac  May,  some  refer  to  the  same  man  as  Samuel  May, 
but  he  is  best  known  as  James  May.  He  later  played  a 
very  important  part  in  Mason's  history.  Writing  of 
this  outlaw's  early  career,  Mrs.  Anthony  says:  "May 
loitered  about  Henderson  and  had  a  lame  sister  with 
him  -  at  least  she  passed  as  such  and  thereby  excited 
some  remarks.  At  length  May  stole  some  horses  and 
he  and  his  sister  made  off  and  were  pursued  and  over- 
taken at  Vincennes.  May  was  brought  back  to  Hender- 
son, and  the  very  first  night  after  they  got  him  there  he 
managed  to  break  away  and  make  his  escape,  which  he 
effected  by  making  an  extraordinary  leap.  He  joined 
Mason's  gang  .  .  ."  He  joined  Mason  in  the  South 
and  there  performed  another  extraordinary  act  of 
which,  as  is  shown  later,  Mrs.  Anthony  has  more  or  less 
to  say. 

22  In  her  account  to  Draper  Mrs.  Anthony  states  that  in  addition  to  Henry 
Havard,  Samuel  Mason  had,  besides  his  own  family,  at  least  two  other 
accomplices  while  living  near  Henderson:  Nicholas  Welsh  and  a  man  named 
Hewitt.  Henry  Havard,  after  the  assassination  of  Captain  John  Dunn,  fled 
to  his  father's  home  on  Red  River,  Tennessee.  The  regulators  there,  upon 
hearing  that  he  had  been  employed  by  Mason  to  kill  Dunn,  "raised  and  went 
to  old  Havard's,  found  Henry  hid  between  two  feather  beds  and  shot 
through  the  beds.  They  made  the  old  man  pull  out  the  body  of  his  son  and 
when  they  found  his  brains  were  oozing  out  they  knew  he  was  quite  dead." 
Hewitt  was  captured  on  the  Kentucky  shore  opposite  Diamond  Island,  by 
regulators  who  were  "strongly  inclined  to  kill  him,  but  finally  refrained,  but 
made  him  break  his  gun."  Nicholas  Welsh,  who  ran  the  tavern  in  which 
Mason  and  his  men  made  their  headquarters  when  in  Red  Banks,  disap- 
peared immediately  after  Captain  John  Dunn  was  shot,  and  was  never 
again  heard  of. 


172  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

During  the  greater  part  of  1797  the  Masons  were 
established  at  Cave-in-Rock.  Their  headquarters  while 
in  and  near  Henderson  seems  to  have  been  changed 
from  time  to  time.  For  a  while  they  had  a  camp  at  the 
mouth  of  Highland  Creek,  as  stated  by  Mrs.  Anthony, 
but  most  of  their  time  previous  to  1797  was  spent  not 
far  from  what  now  is  the  town  of  Hitesville,  in  Union 
County,  Kentucky.  A  small  stream,  tributary  to  High- 
land Creek,  on  or  near  which  the  Masons  lived,  still 
bears  the  name  of  Mason's  Creek.  About  twenty  miles 
south  of  this  old  camp  is  "Harpe's  Head,"  where  two 
years  later  the  head  of  Big  Harpe  was  placed  on  the 
end  of  a  pole.  About  ten  miles  northeast  of  the  Mason 
Creek  country  is  Diamond  Island,  where  many  early 
pioneers  going  down  the  Ohio  in  flatboats  became  the 
victims  of  the  Masons. 

Fortesque  Cuming  stopped  at  Diamond  Island  May 
16,  1808,  about  ten  years  after  Mason  had  left  it.  Com- 
menting on  the  place,  Cuming  says,  in  his  Tour  to  the 
Western  Country :  "Nothing  can  be  more  beautifully 
situated  than  this  fine  island  ...  It  is  owned  by  a  Mr. 
Alvis,  a  Scotchman,  of  great  property  in  South  Caro- 
lina, who  bought  it  about  two  years  ago  [1806]  of  one 
Wells,  the  original  locator.  Alvis  has  a  negro  quarter, 
and  near  one  hundred  and  fifty  acres  of  land  cleared  on 
the  Kentucky  shore  opposite  the  Island.  This  used  to 
be  the  principal  haunt  of  banditti,  from  twenty  to  thirty 
in  number,  amongst  which  the  names  of  Harper  [sic] 
five  Masons,  and  Corkendale  [Kuykendall]  were  most 
conspicuous.  They  attacked  and  plundered  the  passing 
boats,  and  frequently  murdered  the  crews  and  passen- 
gers. At  length  the  government  of  Kentucky  sent  a 
detachment  of  militia  against  them.  They  were  sur- 
prised, and  Harper,  one  of  the  Masons,  and  three  or 


Soldier,  Pirate,  Highwayman  173 

four  more  were  shot,  one  in  the  arms  of  his  wife,  who 
escaped  unhurt  though  her  husband  received  eleven 
balls.  The  rest  dispersed  and  again  recruiting,  became, 
under  Mason,  the  father,  the  terror  of  the  road  through 
the  wilderness  between  Nashville  in  Tennessee  and  the 
Mississippi  Territory." 

Cuming's  account  is  fairly  accurate,  but  if  by  "Har- 
per" he  refers  to  Big  Harpe  or  Little  Harpe,  he  is  mis- 
taken. The  "detachment  of  militia"  that  ran  out  this 
band  of  Diamond  Island  outlaws  could  more  properly 
be  called  a  "regiment"  of  local  regulators,  for  there  is 
nothing  on  record  to  show  that  any  state  militia  was  ever 
sent  to  the  island.  In  pioneer  days  regulators,  as  a  rule, 
relied  upon  their  own  "military  strength"  and  exercised 
it  without  formal  orders  from  "official  headquarters." 

Diamond  Island  is  about  fourteen  miles  below  Hen- 
derson. It  is  some  three  miles  long  and  a  half-mile 
wide,  and  more  or  less  diamond  shaped.  In  Mason's 
day  it  was  covered  with  gigantic  trees  and  luxurious 
vines  and  presented  so  wonderful  a  scene  that  it  at- 
tracted early  travelers  who  passed  it.  In  pioneer  days 
it  was,  according  to  comments  written  by  many  travel- 
ers, the  most  beautiful  island  in  the  Ohio.  Zadok  Cra- 
mer in  The  Navigator,  published  in  1806,  says  it  is  a 
"large  and  noble  looking  island."  J.  Addison  Richards 
in  his  Romance  of  American  Landscape  refers  to  it  as 
"the  crown-jewel  in  this  cluster  of  the  Ohio  brilliants." 
Thomas  Ashe,  whose  trip  down  the  Ohio  was  "per- 
formed in  1806,"  goes  so  far  as  to  say  it  is  "by  far  the 
finest  in  the  river,  and  perhaps  the  most  beautiful  in 
the  world !"  About  a  generation  after  Mason  and  other 
outlaws  abandoned  it  as  a  trap  for  victims,  Edmund 
Flagg  visited  the  Island  and  found  that  "it  is  said  to  be 
haunted."    In  1917  it  was,  according  to  one  man's  idea, 


174  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

"sure  ha'nted."  This  once  luxuriant  forest  island  is 
now  a  cornfield,  celebrated  for  its  wonderfully  fertile 
soil  and  for  its  "Diamond  Island  Canned  Corn."  All 
that  is  left  of  its  former  splendor  is  its  size.  Its  heavy 
fringe  of  cottonwood  and  willow  still  attracts  attention 
and  helps  repicture  the  Island  as  it  was  in  the  olden 
days.  The  gnaried  roots  along  the  bank  and  the  drift- 
wood piled  here  and  there  on  the  beach  seem  to  hold 
dumb  the  secrets  of  Mason  and  his  men  and  the  trage- 
dies enacted  there  more  than  a  century  ago. 

Robbery  and  its  booty  were  uppermost  in  Mason's 
mind  and  were  the  object  of  his  every  act.  Neverthe- 
less, in  selecting  Cave-in-Rock,  seventy  miles  down  the 
Ohio  River,  as  his  next  headquarters  he  chanced  to 
choose  a  place,  judging  from  the  present  appearance  of 
the  landscape,  that  was  far  more  picturesque  than  Dia- 
mond Island.  All  the  primeval  beauty  of  the  Island 
has  long  ago  disappeared,  and  some  of  the  wild  charm 
of  Cave-in-Rock  and  its  surroundings  has  vanished 
with  the  original  forest.  Flatboat  pirates  have  come  and 
gone ;  the  Ohio  still  flows  on  as  majestically  and  as  mys- 
teriously as  ever,  but  all  its  flood  of  waters  will  never 
wash  away  the  legends  of  tragedies  connected  with  the 
two  places. 

Mason  made  Cave-in-Rock  his  headquarters  during 
the  greater  part  of  1797.  River  pirates  were  numerous 
in  the  old  flatboat  days  -  especially  before  181 1  when 
the  first  steamboat  was  run  from  Pittsburgh  to  New 
Orleans.  Travelers  were  warned  by  those  who  had 
made  trips  down  the  river  and  knew  the  usual  methods 
followed  by  river  pirates;  but  with  all  their  intended 
precautions  and  in  spite  of  all  the  instructions  received 
many  of  the  inexperienced  became  easy  prey  for  the 
robbers.    The  Cave  had  often  been  used  by  travelers  as 


Soldier,  Pirate,  Highwayman  175 

a  temporary  stopping  place  and  had  become  a  well 
known  shelter.  But  the  fact  that  it  had  also  served  as  a 
temporary  abode  for  outlaws  seems  not  to  have  been 
widely  circulated  before  this  time.  Mason  recognized 
in  it  a  hiding  place  that  offered  him  the  shelter  of  a 
good  house  and  also  one  that  was  very  convenient  and 
reasonably  safe.  Besides,  it  was  peculiarly  fitted  for  his 
purpose,  for  its  partially  concealed  entrance  com- 
manded a  wide  view  both  up  and  down  the  river. 

He  also  recognized  the  necessity  of  enticing  his  in- 
tended victims  into  the  Cave  in  an  innocent  manner  or 
by  some  unusual  method.  Mason's  reputation  as  an 
outlaw  was  beginning  to  spread.  He  overcame  the 
obstacle  of  publicity  by  changing  his  name  to  "Wilson." 
In  order  to  lull  any  suspicion  he  concluded  to  convert 
the  Cave  into  an  inn  and  he  and  his  family  therefore 
fitted  it  up  for  the  purpose  of  accommodating  guests. 
On  the  river  bank  where  it  could  be  seen  by  those  going 
down  the  stream  he  raised  a  large  sign:  "Wilson's 
Liquor  Vault  and  House  for  Entertainment."  And 
thus  it  came  about  that  Cave-in-the-Rock  was  trans- 
formed into  Cave-Inn-Rock  and  finally  to  Cave-in- 
Rock. 

Daniel  Blowe,  in  1820,  briefly  recorded  that  "Ma- 
son's gang  of  robbers  made  Cave-in-Rock  their  princi- 
pal rendezvous  in  1797,  where  they  frequently  plun- 
dered or  murdered  the  crews  of  boats  descending  the 
Ohio."  Most  historians  who  touched  on  the  subject 
after  Blowe's  time  publish,  with  equal  brevity,  the 
same  statement.  Henry  Howe,  in  his  Historical  Col- 
lections of  the  Great  West,  published  in  1852,  says: 
"Sometimes  Mason  plundered  the  descending  boats 
but  more  frequently  preferred  to  wait  and  plunder  the 
owners  of  their  money  as  they  returned."     Compara- 


176  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

tively  few  men  returned  north  by  river  and  it  is  there- 
fore likely  that  not  many  single  boats  or  small  flotillas 
going  south  floated  by  unmolested.  In  this  connection 
Judge  James  Hall  comments  that  the  boats  that  were 
permitted  to  pass  the  Cave  and  Hurricane  Island,  six 
miles  below,  were  pointed  out  by  Mason,  who  on  such 
occasions  would  jokingly  remark:  "These  people  are 
taking  produce  to  market  for  me."  [61] 

Mason  discovered  that  many  of  his  men  who  went 
south  with  captured  boats  never  returned  to  report,  and 
he  realized  that  sooner  or  later  an  attempt  would  be 
made  to  capture  him  if  he  continued  his  work  at  the 
Cave.  He  therefore  decided  to  go  south.  For  these 
and  probably  other  reasons  he,  as  stated  by  Monette, 
"deserted  the  Cave  in  the  Rock  on  the  Ohio  and  began 
to  infest  the  great  Natchez  Trace  where  the  rich  pro- 
ceeds of  the  river  trade  were  the  tempting  prize." 

By  what  means  and  under  what  circumstances  Mason 
and  his  family  moved  south  is  not  known.  After  leav- 
ing Henderson  County  he  remained  longer  at  Cave-in- 
Rock  than  at  any  other  one  place.  His  name  is  insepar- 
ably associated  with  Cave-in-Rock,  both  in  history  and 
tradition,  but  neither  history  nor  tradition  has  preserved 
an  account  giving  the  details  of  any  definite  robbery 
committed  by  him  while  there.  It  is  likely  that  he  left 
the  Cave  in  ample  time  to  avoid  being  driven  out  by 
a  body  of  men  who  had  been  organized  by  the  mer- 
chants of  Pittsburgh  for  the  purpose  of  trying  to  ex- 
terminate him  and  all  other  river  pirates.  No  record 
of  Mason's  whereabouts  during  1798  and  1799  can  now 
be  found.  During  these  two  years  many  robberies  oc- 
curred along  the  Mississippi  River  and  along  various 
trails  on  the  American  side  of  the  river  from  Kentucky 
to  New  Orleans,  but  the  guilty  men  were  seldom  cap- 


Soldier,  Pirate,  Highwayman  177 

tured.  A  number  of  these  robberies,  on  both  river  and 
land,  were  doubtless  perpetrated  by  Mason  under  one 
or  more  assumed  names. 

According  to  Audubon,  the  ornithologist,  the  Masons 
made  their  headquarters  for  a  while  on  Wolf  Island, 
in  the  Mississippi,  twenty-five  miles  below  the  mouth 
of  the  Ohio.  About  1815,  or  a  number  of  years  after 
Mason's  career  was  closed,  Audubon  gathered  the  fol- 
lowing about  the  famous  outlaw's  stay  on  this  island : 

"The  name  of  Mason  is  still  familiar  to  many  of  the 
navigators  of  the  Lower  Ohio  and  Mississippi.  By  dint 
of  industry  in  bad  deeds,  he  became  a  notorious  horse- 
stealer, formed  a  line  of  worthless  associates  from  the 
eastern  part  of  Virginia  (a  state  greatly  celebrated  for 
its  fine  breed  of  horses)  to  New  Orleans,  and  had  a 
settlement  on  Wolf  Island,  not  far  from  the  confluence 
of  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi,  from  which  he  issued  to 
stop  the  flatboats,  and  rifle  them  of  such  provisions  and 
other  articles  as  he  and  his  party  needed.  His  depreda- 
tions became  the  talk  of  the  whole  western  country;  and 
to  pass  Wolf  Island  was  not  less  to  be  dreaded  than  to 
anchor  under  the  walls  of  Algiers.  The  horses,  the 
negroes,  and  the  cargoes,  his  gang  carried  off  and  sold." 

In  March,  1800,  Mason  appeared  in  New  Madrid, 
Missouri,  then  Spanish  territory,  and  applied  for  a 
passport.  This  was  issued  to  him,  as  appears  later,  on 
the  recommendation  of  a  man  whom  he  had  met  casu- 
ally at  Red  Banks  (Henderson,  Kentucky)  and  who 
was  unaware  of  the  real  character  of  the  person  he 
introduced.  The  passport  not  only  permitted  Mason 
to  settle  on  Spanish  territory  with  the  privilege  of  pur- 
chasing land,  but  it  also  served  as  a  document  designat- 
ing him  as  a  desirable  citizen.  When  he  applied  for 
this  permit,  he  may  have  resolved  to  open  up  a  farm 


178  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

and  lead  a  respectable  life.  If  so,  the  resolution  to  re- 
form was  of  short  duration,  for  he  made  no  attempt  to 
select  a  site  for  a  permanent  home.  In  the  meantime  he 
carefully  preserved  the  passport,  knowing  it  might  some 
day  serve,  in  its  way,  as  a  letter  of  recommendation.  It 
would  also  serve  as  evidence  that  he  had  taken  an  initial 
step  toward  becoming  a  Spanish  subject.  Should  he 
confine  his  land  operations  to  the  American  side,  and 
his  river  piracy  to  the  waters  of  the  Mississippi,  and 
make  none  but  American  citizens  his  victims,  the 
chances  were  he  might  some  day  find  a  safe  and  con- 
venient retreat  in  the  Spanish  domain  west  of  the  river. 
During  1800  and  the  three  years  that  followed,  Ma- 
son moved  over  the  country  with  remarkable  activity. 
A  report  of  a  robbery  committed  by  him  on  the  Natchez 
Trace,  says  Monette,  was  soon  followed  by  an  account 
of  another  perpetrated  on  the  Mississippi  many  miles 
away,  and  vice  versa.  Men  going  down  the  Mississippi, 
as  those  going  down  the  Ohio,  encountered  many 
troubles  incidental  to  the  running  of  boats.  They  were 
always  exposed  to  river  pirates  of  whom  Mason  was 
one.  Among  other  hardships  to  which  they  were  sub- 
jected was  the  unrestrained  authority  of  the  Spanish, 
who  were  then  in  possession  of  the  land  west  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi and  who  practically  controlled  the  navigation 
of  that  river. 


Mason  On  the  Natchez  Trace 

Much  has  been  written  about  the  old  Natchez  Trace, 
the  narrow  Indian  trail  leading  from  Natchez,  Mis- 
sissippi, to  Nashville,  Tennessee,  at  which  place  trav- 
elers took  other  trails  leading  to  Illinois,  Kentucky,  and 
Virginia.  In  the  rlatboat  days  many  merchants  who 
had  disposed  of  the  goods  they  brought  down  the  Ohio 
and  Mississippi  returned  north  with  the  proceeds  of 
their  sales  by  this  overland  route;  others  took  the 
ocean  route  by  way  of  Philadelphia,  back  to  their 
homes.  Many  of  these  pioneer  merchants  refer  to  their 
experience  in  this  wilderness  and  many  early  western 
travelers  who  rode  over  this  old  trail  describe  it  in  their 
books.  We  shall,  however,  confine  our  glimpse  of  the 
early  days  on  this  historic  trace  to  the  facts  concerning 
Mason. 

It  is  more  than  likely  that  Mason  had  committed  a 
number  of  crimes  along  the  Natchez  Trace  before  he 
appeared  in  New  Madrid  in  March,  1800.  Many 
pioneers  traveling  over  this  route  encountered  high- 
waymen, but  none  of  them  succeeded  in  identifying  the 
men  by  whom  they  had  been  robbed.  The  first  record 
of  a  case  with  which  Mason  is  definitely  connected  is 
that  of  a  party  of  boatmen  riding  from  Natchez  to  their 
homes  in  Kentucky.  An  account  of  this  incident  is 
told  in  Old  Times  in  Tennessee,  by  Josephus  C.  Guild, 
who  received  his  information  from  John  L.  Swaney. 
Swaney  told  Guild  that  more  than  fifty  years  before, 
while  carrying  the  mail  over  the  old  Natchez  Trace, 


180  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

he  frequently  met  Samuel  Mason  and  talked  with  him. 

Swaney  began  carrying  the  mail  over  this  old  Indian 
trail  about  1796  and  was  familiar  with  the  route  before 
Mason  appeared  on  the  scene.  The  distance  from 
Nashville  to  Natchez  he  estimates  at  about  five  hundred 
and  fifty  miles.  It  was,  in  his  mail-carrying  days,  a 
mere  bridle  path  winding  through  an  almost  endless 
wilderness.  He  rode  it  for  eight  years,  making  a  round 
trip  every  three  weeks.  Traveling  at  the  rate  of  about 
fifty-five  miles  a  day  permitted  him  a  day's  rest  at 
either  end  of  his  route.  He  frequently  met  Indians 
along  the  Trace.  At  Colbert's  Ferry,  on  the  Tennessee 
River,  he  always  found  the  Indian  ferrymen  "contrary," 
for  they  would  not  cross  the  river  for  him  if  he  got  to 
the  landing  after  bed  time.  At  the  Chickasaw  Agency, 
about  half-way  between  the  two  places,  he  changed 
horses.  The  only  white  men  he  saw  were  the  few  set- 
tlers, scattered  forty  or  more  miles  apart,  the  occasional 
traveler  returning  north  and,  now  and  then,  Samuel 
Mason  and  some  of  his  band.  Swaney  rode  a  good 
horse  and  carried  with  him,  besides  the  mail  (consist- 
ing of  a  few  letters,  newspapers,  and  government  dis- 
patches) a  bushel  of  corn  for  his  horse,  provisions  and 
a  blanket  for  himself,  a  pistol,  a  tin  trumpet,  and  a 
piece  of  flint  and  steel. 

Merchants  and  boatmen  brought  their  provisions  and 
other  necessities  on  pack-horses  or  pack-mules.  It  was 
from  these  that  Mason  captured  much  of  the  food  and 
most  of  the  clothing  he  and  his  people  required.  These 
travelers,  as  a  rule,  sewed  their  money  in  rawhides  and 
threw  the  hides  in  the  packs  with  supplies.  At  night, 
before  making  a  fire,  they  hid  their  valuables  in  the 
bushes  some  distance  from  the  camp  in  the  event  of  a 
surprise  at  night  by  robbers.     It  was  in  this  wilderness 


Mason  on  the  Natchez  Trace  181 

that  Mason  looked  for  and  found  many  of  his  victims. 
He  and  his  band  were  the  terror  of  all  who  traveled 
through  the  Indian  nation,  except  Swaney. 

Mason  frequently  sought  interviews  with  Swaney, 
with  whom  he  had  many  friendly  chats.  The  outlaw 
often  asked  what  was  said  about  him  by  the  public.  He 
told  Swaney  that  no  mail-carrier  need  fear  being  mo- 
lested by  him  and  his  men,  for  mail  was  of  no  value  to 
them,  and  that  he  "did  not  desire  to  kill  any  man,  for 
money  was  all  he  was  after  and  if  he  could  not  get  it 
without  taking  life,  he  certainly  would  shed  no  blood." 

"Among  Mason's  first  robberies,"  continues  the  his- 
torian who  interviewed  the  mail-carrier,  "was  that  of 
a  party  of  Kentucky  boatmen  returning  home  from 
Natchez.  They  had  camped  at  what  was  called  Gum 
Springs,  in  the  Choctaw  Nation.  They  ate  supper, 
and,  as  a  matter  of  precaution,  were  putting  out  pickets 
before  retiring  for  the  night.  In  going  to  their  posi- 
tions one  of  the  pickets  stepped  on  one  of  Mason's  men, 
who  were  hidden  in  the  grass  awaiting  an  opportunity 
to  pounce  upon  the  boatmen.  The  robber  thus  care- 
lessly trod  on  jumped  up,  gave  a  yell,  and  fired  off  a 
gun,  calling  upon  his  comrades  to  shoot  and  kill  every 
boatman.  This  was  so  unexpected  to  the  Kentuckians 
that  they  became  panic  stricken  and  ran  off  in  the  wild- 
est confusion,  leaving  everything,  some  even  their  wear- 
ing apparel.  Mason  and  his  men  went  to  the  camp  and 
carried  away  everything. 

"The  next  morning,  just  at  daylight,  Mr.  Swaney 
came  along,  and  seeing  the  camp  fires  burning,  rode 
out,  but  could  find  no  one.  He  was  going  toward 
Natchez,  and  having  met  no  party  that  morning,  he 
instinctively  knew  that  something  was  wrong,  and  be- 
gan to  blow  his  bugle.     The  boatmen  recognized  the 


182  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

familiar  sound  and  commenced  coming  to  Mr.  Swaney, 
one  and  two  at  a  time.  He  asserted  that  they  were  the 
worst  scared,  worst  looking  set  of  men  he  ever  saw, 
some  of  them  having  but  little  clothing  on,  and  one  big 
fellow  had  only  a  shirt.  They  immediately  held  a  sort 
of  council  of  war,  and  it  was  unanimously  agreed  to 
follow  the  robbers  and  recapture  their  property.  It 
was  an  easy  matter  to  follow  their  trail  through  the 
cane  and  grass.  Their  plan  was,  as  they  had  no  arms, 
to  provide  themselves  with  sticks  and  knives,  and  should 
they  overtake  Mason  and  his  men,  attack  them  by  a 
vigorous  charge,  knocking  them  down  right  and  left 
with  their  shillelahs,  and  if  those  in  front  fell  at  the  fire 
of  the  robbers,  those  in  the  rear  were  to  rush  upon, 
overpower  and  capture  the  robbers  and  recover  their 
property. 

"They  started  in  pursuit  of  the  robbers  under  the 
lead  of  the  big  Kentuckian.  They  had  gone  about  a 
mile  when  they  began  to  find  articles  of  clothing  which 
had  been  thrown  away  by  the  robbers.  The  big  Ken- 
tuckian found  his  pants,  in  the  waistband  of  which  he 
had  sewed  four  gold  doubloons  and,  to  his  great  joy,  the 
robbers  had  not  found  them.  After  this  it  was  noticed 
that  the  big  Kentuckian's  valor  began  to  fail  him,  and 
soon  he  was  found  in  the  rear.  The  pursuit  was  kept 
up  about  two  miles  further,  when  they  were  suddenly 
hailed  by  Mason  and  his  men,  who  were  hid  behind 
trees,  with  their  guns  presented,  and  who  ordered  them 
to  go  back  or  they  would  kill  the  last  one  of  them.  This 
caused  a  greater  stampede  than  that  of  the  night  before, 
and  the  big  Kentuckian  out  distanced  the  whole  party 
in  the  race  back  to  camp.  They  abused  the  big  Ken- 
tuckian at  a  round  rate  for  his  want  of  courage,  but  he 
only  laughed  at  them,  saying  he  had  everything  to  run 


Mason  on  the  Natchez  Trace  183 

for.     But,  to  his  credit  be  it  said,  he  spent  his  last  dollar 
in  procuring  supplies  for  his  comrades." 

Mason  was  an  active  man  and  this  comparatively  in- 
significant robbery  was  doubtless  preceded  and  fol- 
lowed by  others  of  greater  consequence  of  which,  how- 
ever, no  written  record  or  oral  tradition  now  exists. 
Then  occurred  the  Baker  robbery  on  the  old  Natchez 
Trace- a  robbery  that  became  widely  known  through 
the  current  newspapers  and  soon  convinced  the  public 
that  Mason  was  an  outlaw  of  dangerous  character, 
working  over  a  large  territory. 

Colonel  Joshua  Baker,  the  victim  of  this  famous  rob- 
bery, was  a  merchant  living  in  central  Kentucky.  In 
his  day  he  made  a  number  of  trips  south,  going  down 
in  flatboats  and  returning  by  way  of  the  old  Natchez 
Trace.  Colonel  Baker  had  the  misfortune  to  come  in 
contact  with  Mason  at  least  once  on  land  and  once  on 
water,  and,  as  is  later  shown,  played  an  important  part 
in  the  activities  that  resulted  in  ending  Mason's  career. 

In  the  spring  or  summer  of  1801,  Colonel  Baker  took 
several  flatboats  filled  with  produce  and  horses  to  New 
Orleans.  After  disposing  of  his  cargo,  he  set  out  on  his 
return  home,  accompanied  by  four  men,  each  of  whom 
rode  a  horse.  Besides  the  five  riding  horses  there  were 
five  pack-mules  in  the  cavalcade  loaded  down  with 
provisions,  and,  among  other  things,  the  proceeds  of 
the  sales  made  in  New  Orleans.  Colonel  Baker  and 
his  men  experienced  no  unusual  trouble  until  they 
reached  the  ford  across  what  was  then  called  Twelve 
Mile  Creek,  but  since  known  as  Baker's  Creek.  The 
place  is  in  Hindes  County,  Mississippi,  about  twenty- 
miles  west  of  Jackson  and  near  where  the  Battle  of 
Baker's  Creek  was  fought  on  January  16,  1863.  There, 
August  14,   1801,  the  Baker  party  was  surprised  by 


184  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

Samuel  Mason  and  three  of  his  men.  A  paragraph 
relative  to  the  robbery  that  followed  was  published  in 
The  Kentucky  Gazette,  September  14,  1801.  It  is  the 
earliest  printed  record  so  far  found  of  Mason's  activi- 
ties on  the  Natchez  Trace: 

"We  are  informed  that  on  the  14th  of  August,  about 
sixty  miles  on  this  side  of  the  Big  Biopiere  [Bayou 
Pierre]  River,  Colonel  Joshua  Baker,  a  Mr.  William 
Baker  and  a  Mr.  Rogers  of  Natchez,  were  robbed  of 
their  horses,  traveling  utensils,  and  about  two  thousand 
three  hundred  dollars  cash.  It  seems  the  company 
had  halted  in  the  morning  at  a  small,  clear  stream  of 
water  in  order  to  wash.  As  soon  as  they  had  dismount- 
ed and  gone  to  the  water  four  men  appeared,  blacked, 
between  them  and  their  horses  and  demanded  the  sur- 
render of  their  money  and  property,  which  they  were 
obliged  to  comply  with.  Mr.  W.  Baker  was  more  for- 
tunate than  his  companions.  A  pack-horse,  on  which 
was  a  considerable  sum  of  money,  being  frightened  at 
the  appearance  of  the  robbers,  ran  away,  and  they  being 
in  haste  to  escape  could  not  pursue.  Mr.  W.  Baker 
recovered  his  horse  [pack-mule]  and  money.  He, 
however,  lost  his  riding  horse,  etc.  Colonel  Baker  and 
Mr.  Rogers  came  to  the  first  settlement,  where  they  pro- 
cured assistance  and  immediately  went  in  pursuit  of  the 
villains.  It  is  to  be  hoped  they  will  be  apprehended. 
One  of  them  who  was  described  by  Colonel  Baker, 
formerly  resided  at  Red  Banks.  A  brother  of  Colonel 
Baker,  our  informant,  obtained  this  information  from 
Mr.  W.  Baker,  who  lodged  at  his  house  [in  Lexington, 
Kentucky]  on  Thursday  night  last." 

John  L.  Swaney,  the  mail-carrier,  whose  reminis- 
cences have  been  drawn  upon,  gives  some  different 
details  of  this  incident.     The  banks  at  Baker's  Creek 


Mason  on  the  Natchez  Trace  185 

are  high  and  steep  and  at  this  crossing  there  was  then 
nothing  more  than  a  deep-cut  bridle  path  on  either 
bank  leading  into  or  out  of  the  stream.  The  Baker 
party,  after  more  or  less  difficulty,  rode  down  to  the 
creek.  While  their  horses  and  mules  were  drinking, 
says  Swaney,  Mason  and  his  men  jumped  up  from 
where  they  had  concealed  themselves.  The  victims, 
realizing  they  had  been  trapped  and  were  at  the  mercy 
of  the  outlaws,  surrendered.  Mason  made  them  drive 
the  pack-mules  over  to  his  side  of  the  creek,  where  two 
of  his  men  took  charge  of  them  but  permitted  Baker 
and  his  companions  to  keep  their  riding  horses  and 
side  arms.  Colonel  Baker  then  rode  to  Grindstone 
Ford,  a  distance  of  about  forty  miles,  and  there  raised 
a  company  to  pursue  the  outlaws. 

They  followed  the  trail  of  the  robbers  to  Pearl  River, 
near  Jackson,  Mississippi,  and  there  learned  that 
Mason  had  crossed  the  stream  only  a  few  hours  before. 
In  the  pursuing  party  was  a  man  named  Brokus,  a 
quadroon  Indian.  Brokus,  according  to  Swaney, 
stripped  and  swam  down  the  river  to  ascertain,  if  pos- 
sible, what  route  Mason's  men  had  taken.  While  he 
was  climbing  up  the  bank  one  of  the  robbers  punched 
him  in  the  breast  with  a  gun.  Brokus  thought  he  was 
shot  and,  losing  his  grip  on  the  sapling  to  which  he  was 
holding,  fell  back  into  the  river.  After  considerable 
swimming  and  diving  he  reached  the  opposite  shore. 
Swaney  ends  his  story  of  this  chase  by  saying:  "Mason 
then  made  his  appearance  and  notified  Colonel  Baker 
that  he  would  never  recover  his  money.  This  seemed 
to  be  accepted  as  the  final  arbitrament,  for  the  pursuit 
of  the  robbers  was  abandoned." 

A  contributor  to  The  Natchez  Galaxy  in  1829,  in  a 
short  article  entitled  "The  Robber  of  the  Wilderness," 


1 86  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

gives  another  account  of  how  Mason  made  his  appear- 
ance on  the  banks  of  Pearl  River  and  under  what  cir- 
cumstances Colonel  Baker  abandoned  the  chase.  This 
Natchez  writer  has  it  that  when  Colonel  Baker  reached 
the  river  the  pursuers  took  the  saddles  of!  their  horses 
and  made  preparations  to  rest  for  a  few  hours  before 
resuming  the  chase.  The  tracks  made  by  Mason's 
horses  showed  that  his  party  was  much  smaller  than 
theirs.  The  pursuers  therefore  anticipated  nothing 
other  than  an  unconditional  surrender.  They  did  not 
realize  how  quickly  Mason  could  turn  to  his  advantage 
any  condition  that  presented  itself.  How  the  outlaw 
mastered  the  present  situation  is  best  told  by  the  con- 
tributor to  The  Natchez  Galaxy: 

"Those  preliminaries  being  disposed  of,  two  of  the 
party  strolled  to  the  bank  of  the  river  and,  tempted  by 
the  coolness  and  beauty  of  the  stream,  went  in  to  bathe. 
In  the  course  of  their  gambol  they  crossed  to  the  op- 
posite shore,  where  they  encountered  an  individual 
whose  society,  under  the  present  circumstances,  afford- 
ed them  very  little  satisfaction. 

"Mason,  aware  that  he  was  pursued  and  having  as- 
certained the  superior  force  of  his  pursuers,  determined 
to  effect  by  strategem  what  he  could  not  hope  to  do  by 
open  contest.  The  path  into  the  forest  was  narrow 
here  and  much  beset  with  undergrowth;  and  he  placed 
his  men  in  ambush  so  that  by  a  sudden  onset  the  party 
of  Colonel  Baker  on  entering  the  woods  would  be 
thrown  into  confusion,  and  thus  be  easily  despatched  or 
routed.  Chance,  however,  produced  a  success  more 
complete  than  any  he  could  have  anticipated.  No 
sooner  had  the  two  naked  and  unarmed  men  reached 
the  eastern  shore  of  the  Pearl,  than  Mason  rushed  upon 
them  before  they  could  collect  their  thoughts  or  com- 


Mason  on  the  Natchez  Trace  187 

prehend  their  danger.  He  was  a  hale,  athletic  figure, 
and  roughly  clad  in  the  leather  shirt  and  leggins,  com- 
mon to  the  Indians  and  hunters  of  the  frontier. 

"  'I  am  glad  to  see  you,  gentlemen,'  said  he  sarcas- 
tically, 'and  though  our  meeting  did  not  promise  to  be 
quite  so  friendly,  I  am  just  as  well  satisfied;  my  arms 
and  ammunition  will  cost  less  than  I  expected.' 

"His  prisoners  were  thunderstruck  and  totally  in- 
capable of  reply.  Having  placed  a  guard  over  them, 
Mason  walked  deliberately  down  to  the  shore  and 
hailed  the  party  on  the  opposite  bank,  who  had  wit- 
nessed the  scene,  that  has  been  detailed,  in  amazement 
and  apprehension.  As  he  approached  they  instinctive- 
ly seized  their  arms. 

"  'If  you  approach  one  step  or  raise  a  rifle/  cried  the 
robber,  'you  may  bid  your  friends  farewell.  There  is 
no  hope  for  them  but  in  your  obedience.  I  want  noth- 
ing but  security  against  danger  to  myself  and  party  and 
this  I  mean  to  have.  Stack  your  arms  and  deposit  your 
ammunition  on  the  beach  near  the  water.  I  will  send 
for  them.  Any  violence  to  my  messenger  or  the  least 
hesitation  to  perform  my  orders  will  prove  certain  and 
sudden  death  to  your  companions.  Your  compliance 
will  insure  their  release,  and  I  pledge  my  honor  as  a 
man  to  take  no  other  advantage  of  my  victory.' 

"There  was  no  alternative.  The  arms  and  ammuni- 
tion were  deposited  as  Mason  directed.  Two  of  the 
band  were  despatched  for  them,  while  a  rifle  was  held 
to  the  head  of  each  prisoner.  No  resistance  was  at- 
tempted, however,  by  Colonel  Baker  or  his  party,  and 
the  arms  were  brought  across.  The  banditti  were  soon 
in  readiness  for  a  march;  the  prisoners  were  dismissed 
with  a  good  humored  farewell;  and  the  dreaded 
Mason,  true  to  his  word,  was  soon  lost  in  the  depths  of 


1 88  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

the  wilderness.  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  say  that  the 
pursuers,  disarmed,  discomfitted,  and  a  little  chapf  alien 
made  the  best  of  their  way  back  to  'the  settlement'. " 
[12L] 

Shortly  after  the  Baker  robbery  John  Mason,  a  son 
of  Samuel  Mason,  was  lodged  in  the  Natchez  jail 
charged  with  taking  part  in  the  affair.  It  is  more  than 
likely  that  John  Mason  happened  to  be  in  town  when 
he  was  accused  and  arrested  than  that  an  officer  brought 
him  in  from  the  country.  At  any  rate,  he  was  tried, 
convicted,  and  punished  by  whipping.  It  is  possible 
that  he  was  innocent  of  the  specific  crime  for  which  he 
was  punished,  for  he  may  not  have  been  present  when 
the  Mason  band  robbed  Colonel  Baker.  About  seven- 
ty years  later  George  Wiley,  who  was  a  mere  lad  at  the 
time  this  whipping  occurred,  wrote  a  sketch  on 
"Natchez  in  the  Olden  Times."     In  it  he  says : 

"The  old  jail,  too,  was  the  scene  of  the  first  public 
disgrace  to  the  noted  Mason,  who  afterwards,  with  his 
robber  band,  became  the  terror  of  travelers  from  the 
Ohio  River  to  New  Orleans.  Mason  and  his  son  were 
brought  to  Natchez  and  lodged  in  jail,  charged  with 
the  robbery  of  a  man  named  Baker,  at  a  place  now  in 
Hindes  County  where  the  road  crosses  a  creek  still 
known  as  Baker's  Creek.  They  were  defended  at  their 
trial  by  a  distinguished  lawyer  named  Wallace.  He, 
after  the  manner  so  common  with  lawyers,  went  to 
work  to  get  up  a  public  feeling  in  favor  of  his  clients, 
and  succeeded  so  well  that,  although  the  Masons  were 
convicted,  the  general  sentiment  was  that  they  were 
innocently  punished.  They  were  both  convicted  and 
sentenced  to  receive  the  punishment  of  thirty-nine 
lashes  and  exposure  in  the  pillory.  I  witnessed  the 
flogging  and  shall  never  forget  their  cries  of  'innocent' 


Mason  on  the  Natchez  Trace  189 

at  every  blow  of  the  cowhide  which  tore  the  flesh  from 
their  quivering  limbs,  and  until  the  last  lash  was  given 
they  shrieked  the  same  despairing  cry  of  'innocent,' 
'innocent.'  After  they  were  released  the  elder  Mason 
said  to  the  surrounding  crowd,  'You  have  witnessed  our 
punishment  for  a  crime  we  never  committed;  some  of 
you  may  see  me  punished  again  but  it  shall  be  for  some- 
thing worthy  of  punishment'  He  and  his  son  then 
shaved  their  heads,  and  stripping  themselves  naked, 
mounted  their  horses  and  yelling  like  Indians,  rode 
through  and  out  of  the  town."    [26] 

This  account  appears  correct  in  all  its  details  except 
two.  Samuel  Mason's  son,  John,  was  the  only  member 
of  the  Mason  family  arrested  and  whipped.  If,  as 
stated  by  Wiley,  two  men  were  punished  on  this  occa- 
sion, the  other  may  have  been  a  member  of  Samuel 
Mason's  gang.  The  other  error  is  in  the  statement 
that  the  two  prisoners  were  released.  It  is  shown  later 
that  after  they  were  whipped  they  escaped  from  jail 
by  the  aid  of  some  of  Mason's  men. 

William  Darby,  another  citizen  of  Natchez,  in  an 
account  published  in  The  Casket  Magazine,  in  1834, 
tells  what  occurred  shortly  after  John  Mason  was 
whipped:  "One  of  the  jury,  whose  name  I  omit," 
writes  Darby,  "made  himself  very  conspicuous  at  the 
trial  of  John  Mason,  wishing  before  the  whole  court 
and  audience,  that  'the  rascal  might  be  hung.'  "  By 
some  means  Samuel  Mason  received  a  report  of  the 
juryman's  statement.  A  few  weeks  later  this  same 
juror,  returning  to  Natchez  from  one  of  the  settlements, 
had  occasion  to  ride  over  a  bridle  path  through  a  heavy 
canebreak.  He  was  suddenly  confronted  by  Samuel 
Mason  who  stepped  out  of  the  cane,  armed  with  a  toma- 
hawk and  rifle,  and,  raising  the  rifle,  pointed  it  at  the 


190  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

surprised  rider,  who  immediately  threw  up  his  hands. 
Mason  very  calmly  informed  the  juror  that  he  had 
waited  for  him  for  two  days  "to  blow  your  brains  out." 
The  frightened  man  begged  to  be  spared  for  the  sake 
of  his  wife  and  children.  Mason  replied  that  he,  too, 
had  children  and  loved  them  as  much  as  any  other 
father  loved  his  own,  and  that  this  was  his  first  chance 
to  extend  to  him  the  same  mercy  he  had  shown  toward 
his  son  John.  Then,  as  if  to  further  prepare  the  cap- 
tive for  the  worst,  Mason  asked:  "Did  John  Mason 
ever  do  you  any  harm?  Did  I  myself  ever  do  you  any 
injury?  Did  you  ever  hear  of  me  committing  murder, 
or  suffering  murder  to  be  committed?"  Mason 
shrewdly  omitted  the  words,  "except  when  necessary." 
The  juror  answered:  "Never  in  my  life."  "Thank 
God,  I  have  never  shed  blood,"  declared  Mason  with 
great  earnestness,  "but  now,  come  down  off  your  horse, 
Sir.  If  you  have  anything  to  say  to  your  Maker,  I'll 
give  you  five  minutes  to  say  it." 

"The  terrified  man,"  continues  Darby,  "sank  off  the 
horse  and  fell  on  his  knees,  uttering  a  fervent  prayer, 
addressed  rather  to  the  man  who  stood  beside  him  with 
his  gun  cocked.  At  length,  his  words  failed  him  and 
he  burst  into  a  violent  shower  of  tears.  The  man  him- 
self, who  afterward  related  the  whole  circumstance,  and 
could  scarce  ever  do  so  without  tears  at  the  remem- 
brance, said  he  every  moment  expected  death;  but 
Mason,  regarding  him  with  a  bitter  smile,  swore  his 
life  was  not  worth  taking,  wheeled  around  and  in  an 
instant  disappeared  amongst  the  cane." 

Colonel  Baker  returned  to  Kentucky  and  reports  of 
the  daring  robbery  on  the  Natchez  Trace  and  of  his 
unsuccessful  attempt  to  capture  Samuel  Mason  were 
circulated  throughout  the  country.     Monette  says  that 


Mason  on  the  Natchez  Trace  191 

about  the  time  the  Baker  robbery  occurred  "the  out- 
rages of  Mason  became  more  frequent  and  sanguinary" 
and  that  "the  name  of  Mason  and  his  band  was  known 
and  dreaded  from  the  morasses  of  the  southern  frontier 
to  the  silent  shades  of  the  Tennessee  River."  Mason's 
depredations  must  have  been  many,  although  authenti- 
cated records  of  only  a  few  specific  instances  are  now 
found. 

It  is  probable  a  number  of  his  victims  did  not  survive 
to  tell  the  tale,  for  the  wide-awake  outlaw  realized  that 
along  the  trails  and  on  the  river,  as  at  Cavern-Rock,  his 
greatest  safety  lay  in  the  fact  that  "dead  men  tell  no 
tales."  Those  who  were  permitted  to  survive  had  been 
treated  in  such  a  manner  that  they  would  be  more  likely 
to  describe  Mason  as  a  shrewd  robber  than  a  cruel 
murderer,  and,  it  seems,  most  survivors  were  careful 
not  to  condemn  him  too  severely  lest  one  of  his  "agents" 
silence  their  tongues  with  a  dagger.  Mason  usually 
kept  an  intelligent  man  at  Natchez  to  observe  the  char- 
acter of  the  outfits  obtained  by  those  preparing  to 
travel  over  the  trail.  Thus  he  often  received  advance 
notice  of  the  approach  of  travelers  and  information  in 
regard  to  their  strength.  [26]  As  is  shown  later,  Mason 
had  at  least  one  agent,  Anthony  Gass,  of  Natchez,  who 
managed  to  dispose  of  the  stolen  goods  turned  over  to 
him.  The  probabilities  were,  as  asserted  by  a  Spanish 
official,  that  this  robber  had  "firm  abettors"  throughout 
the  Ohio  and  Mississippi  valleys. 

In  those  days  many  a  traveler  was  never  heard  from 
after  he  left  home.  In  some  instances  it  was  because  he 
died  a  stranger  in  a  strange  land,  or  was  murdered  but 
never  missed  except  by  his  people  far  away,  who  had 
no  means  of  learning  of  his  whereabouts  or  fate.  Soon- 
er or  later,  the  impression  would  prevail  among  them 


192  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

that  the  missing  man  was  actually  or  probably  killed 
and  robbed.  And  since  Mason  was  the  most  widely 
known  among  the  outlaws  in  his  day,  he  was  usually 
selected  as  the  man  at  the  bottom  of  the  mystery. 

An  example  of  such  a  supposition  occurs  as  an  inci- 
dent in  the  life  of  the  grandmother  of  W.  L.  Harper, 
of  Jefferson  County,  Mississippi.  She  lived  along  the 
old  Natchez  Trace  and  frequently  accommodated  trav- 
elers with  food  and  shelter.  On  one  occasion  a  young 
Kentuckian  stopped  at  her  house  and,  becoming  ill,  was 
obliged  to  remain  several  weeks.  His  conduct  and 
bearing  were  such  that  the  old  lady  took  a  motherly 
interest  in  him.  Before  he  left  "she  actually  quilted 
all  his  six  hundred  dollars  in  his  coat  and  vest,  partly 
to  distribute  his  load,  but  chiefly  to  deceive  the  robbers 
then  infesting  the  road.  She  heard  no  more  of  him, 
but  the  supposition  was  that  he  was  another  of  Mason's 
victims."    [81] 

A  few  months  after  William  C.  C.  Claiborne  took 
his  seat  as  governor  of  the  Mississippi  Territory  he 
found  it  necessary  to  make  an  investigation  of  the 
robberies  on  the  Mississippi  River.  On  February  10, 
1802,  he  wrote  to  Manuel  de  Salcedo,  the  Spanish  Gov- 
ernor General  of  the  Province  of  Louisiana,  residing  at 
New  Orleans,  informing  him  that  he  had  received 
notice  of  "a  daring  robbery  which  had  lately  been 
committed  upon  some  citizens  of  the  United  States 
who  were  descending  the  River  Mississippi  on  their 
passage  to  this  town" -Natchez  -and  that  it  was  uncer- 
tain whether  the  persons  guilty  of  this  act  of  piracy 
were  Spanish  subjects  or  American  citizens. 

To  this  the  Governor  General  replied  on  February 
28,  saying  among  other  things  that  "It  is  truly  impos- 
sible to  determine  whether  the  delinquents  are  Span- 


Map  showing  Cave-in-Rock  and  the  Natchez  Trace,  1814 


Mason  on  the  Natchez  Trace  195 

iards  or  Americans"  and  that  he  had  given  his  officers 
"the  most  positive  orders  ...  to  take  the  most 
efficacious  means  of  discovering  and  apprehending  the 
criminal  or  criminals  that  can  be  adopted  .  .  . 
and  I  assure  your  Excellency  that  if  the  criminals  are 
taken  they  will  be  punished  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
serve  as  an  example  to  others."  He  complained  that 
the  people  of  "the  States  and  Western  Settlements  .  .  . 
having  the  freedom  and  use  of  the  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi"  came  down  into  the  Spanish  territory  in 
great  numbers,  among  whom  are  "vagabonds  .  .  . 
who  have  fled  from,  or  who  do  not,  or  can  not  return 
to,  the  United  States."    [113] 

Each  governor  was  willing  to  arrest  highway  robbers 
and  river  pirates  on  his  own  side  of  the  Mississippi,  but 
neither  could  suggest  to  the  other  that  if  it  became 
necessary  for  any  pursuing  party  to  cross  the  river  into 
foreign  territory,  such  pursuers  might  continue  the 
chase  without  a  special  permit.  Samuel  Mason  evi- 
dently understood  and  foresaw  this  condition  of  inter- 
national affairs.  He  had  purposely  avoided  commit- 
ting crimes  on  the  Spanish  side,  and  now  that  his  no- 
toriety would,  in  all  probability,  result  in  his  being 
hunted  along  the  Natchez  Trace,  he  moved  to  the  Mis- 
sissippi, there  to  confine  his  operations  to  the  river  and 
its  American  bank,  on  the  very  border  of  a  compara- 
tively safe  and  easily  reached  land  of  refuge. 

The  Baker  robbery  was  in  a  sense  nothing  more  than 
another  link  in  Mason's  long  chain  of  crimes.  Colonel 
Baker  was  not  daunted  by  the  loss  of  his  money  and  his 
failure  to  capture  Mason,  for  the  following  spring  he 
started  down  the  river  again  in  a  flatboat  loaded  with 
merchandise.  He  supplied  himself  with  guns,  not  only 
to  protect  his  boat,  but  also  to  better  prepare  himself 


196  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

for  his  return  home  over  the  dangerous  Trace.  Some 
time  in  April,  1802,  when  his  boat  reached  a  point  be- 
low Vicksburg,  then  known  as  Walnut  Hills  and  No- 
gales,  he  came  in  contact  with  Mason  and  some  of  his 
men.  Colonel  Baker  wrote  a  statement  giving  the  de- 
tails of  this  attack  and  forwarded  it  to  Governor  Clai- 
borne of  Mississippi.  Colonel  Baker's  written  state- 
ment cannot  be  found.  Its  effect,  however,  is  shown 
by  the  fact  that  upon  receipt  of  it  Governor  Claiborne, 
who  was  aware  that  outlaws  had  long  infested  the 
frontier,  more  fully  realized  the  necessity  for  action. 
The  governor  sent  out  three  official  letters  from  the 
capital  of  Mississippi  Territory,  each  dated,  "Town  of 
Washington,  April  27,  1802."    [113] 

The  first  was  written  to  Colonel  Daniel  Burnett,  at 
Fort  Gibson,  who  was  in  command  of  the  militia  in 
Claiborne  County.  It  is  here  quoted  in  full  from 
Dunbar  Rowland's  Official  Letter  Books  of  W.  C.  C. 
Claiborne : 

Town  of  Washington,  April  27,  1802- 
"Sir,  -  I  have  received  information  that  a  set  of  pirates 
and  robbers  who  alternately  infest  the  Mississippi  Riv- 
er and  the  road  leading  from  this  district  to  Tennessee, 
rendezvous  at  or  near  the  Walnut  Hills,  in  the  County 
of  Claiborne:- a  certain  Samuel  Mason  and  a  man  by 
the  name  of  Harp,  are  said  to  be  the  leaders  of  this 
banditti: -they  lately  attempted  in  a  hostile  manner  to 
board  the  boat  of  Colo[nel]  Joshua  Baker,  between  the 
mouth  of  Yazou  River,  and  the  Walnut  Hills,  but  were 
prevented  by  Colo[nel]  Baker's  making  a  shew  of  arms, 
and  manifesting  a  great  share  of  firmness.  These  men 
must  be  arrested ;  the  honor  of  our  country,  the  interest 
of  society,  and  the  feelings  of  humanity,  proclaim  that 


Mason  on  the  Natchez  Trace  197 

it  is  time  to  stop  their  career;  The  crimes  of  Harp,  are 
many  and  great,  and  in  point  of  baseness,  Mason  is 
nearly  as  celebrated:- While  these  sons  of  rapine  and 
murder  are  permitted  to  rove  at  large,  we  may  expect 
daily  to  hear  of  outrages  upon  the  lives  and  properties 
of  our  fellow  citizens. 

"The  militia  of  your  regiment  not  being  organized, 
I  presume  it  would  not  be  in  your  power,  to  execute 
(strictly)  a  military  order,  I  shall  therefore  only  re- 
quest, that  you  will  immediately  endeavor  to  procure 
fifteen  or  twenty  men  as  volunteers,  and  place  yourself, 
or  some  confidential  character  at  their  head. 

"This  little  force  will  then  proceed  to  the  Walnut 
Hills,  and  after  making  the  due  examination  and  en- 
quiry at  that  place,  they  will  examine  the  woods  in  the 
neighborhood  of  the  Mississippi  as  high  up  as  Yazou; 
If  you  should  fall  in  with  Mason  and  his  party  you  will 
use  all  the  means  in  your  power  to  arrest  them,  or  any 
of  them,  and  I  desire,  that  the  person  or  persons  arrest- 
ed, may  immediately  be  conveyed  under  a  strong  guard 
to  Natchez. 

"I  hope  that  the  honor  of  taking  these  lawless  men, 
will  be  conferred  upon  the  citizens  of  your  neighbor- 
hood; should  they  succeed,  I  promise  them  a  very  gen- 
erous reward. 

"I  have  written  to  Lieutenant  Rennick  upon  this  sub- 
ject, and  it  is  probable,  he  will  give  you  all  the  aid  in 
his  power. 

"With  great  respect  &  esteem. 

"I  am  sir,  your  Hble-Servt: 
"William  C.  C.  Claiborne 

"p.  S.    For  your  information,  I  have  enclosed  you  the 


198  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

statement  made  by  Colo[nel]  Baker  to  me,  of  the  late 
attempt  made  to  rob  him. 

"W.  c.  c.  c. 

"Colo[nel]  Daniel  Burnett-" 

Another  letter  was  sent  to  Lieutenant  Seymour  Ren- 
nick,  who  was  in  command  of  a  detachment  of  United 
States  troops  at  Grindstone  Ford  on  the  Natchez  Trace. 
In  it  the  governor  referred  to  the  attack  made  on 
Colonel  Baker's  boat  and  stated  that  "a  certain  Samuel 
Mason  and  a  certain  Wiley  Harp  .  .  .  have  been 
in  the  habit  of  committing  with  impunity  murders  and 
robberies  ...  I  think  it  is  probable  they  may  be 
found  at  or  near  the  Walnut  Hills;  at  that  place  the 
wife  of  John  Mason  resides."  He  suggested  to  this 
officer  that  the  federal  government  furnish  Colonel 
Burnett  with  a  sergeant  and  twelve  men. 

The  third  letter  was  addressed  "To  the  Officer  com- 
manding the  United  States  Troops  near  the  mouth  of 
Bear  Creek  on  the  Tennessee  River."  In  it  Governor 
Claiborne  writes  that:  "I  have  received  information 
that  the  road  from  this  territory  to  Tennessee  is  infested 
by  a  daring  set  of  robbers,  among  them  are  a  certain 
Samuel  Mason  and  a  certain  Wiley  Harp  ...  I 
hope,  Sir,  that  if  you  should  receive  information  of  any 
mischief  being  done  or  attempted  in  the  wilderness  you 
will  immediately  order  out  a  party  of  men,  and  make 
the  necessary  exertions  to  arrest  the  offenders." 

The  lower  Mississippi  valley  was  now  aroused. 
Mason  had  become  a  terror  in  a  frontier  country  that 
was  more  or  less  accustomed  to  lawlessness  and  blood- 
shed. His  robberies  were  current  history  and  the 
whereabouts  of  Wiley  Harpe  was  a  discussed  but  un- 
solved question.     A  little  more  than  two  years  before 


Mason  on  the  Natchez  Trace  199 

Governor  Claiborne  began  to  move  toward  the  arrest 
of  Mason,  the  news  that  Big  Harpe  had  been  captured 
and  beheaded  in  Kentucky  near  Cave-in-Rock  (Ma- 
son's one-time  headquarters)  had  rapidly  spread 
throughout  the  country.  With  the  report  also  had 
come  the  warning  that  Little,  or  Wiley  Harpe,  had  es- 
caped and  fled  south.  Up  to  this  time -April,  1802- 
there  was  nothing  to  point  out  the  actual  or  probable 
whereabouts  of  the  missing  Harpe.  No  mention  of 
any  murders  committed  by  him  appeared  in  the  cur- 
rent newspapers.  Indications  and  hopes  were  that  he 
had  left  the  country  for  good  or  had  been  killed.  Gov- 
ernor Claiborne  probably  had  heard  from  others  be- 
sides Colonel  Baker  that  Wiley  Harpe  was  one  of  Ma- 
son's men.  Even  though  he  was  not  convinced  of 
Harpe's  presence  on  the  Mississippi,  he  knew  that  by 
linking  the  names  of  these  two  notorious  outlaws  to- 
gether, the  public  would  more  fully  realize  the  desper- 
ate character  of  Mason  and  therefore  take  a  more  active 
interest  in  his  capture. 

As  indicated  in  his  letter  to  Colonel  Burnett,  the  gov- 
ernor of  Mississippi  Territory  promised  "a  very  gen- 
erous reward"  for  the  capture  of  Samuel  Mason  and 
Wiley  Harpe.  Monette  says  the  governor  "offered  a 
liberal  reward  for  the  robber  Mason,  dead  or  alive,  and 
the  proclamation  was  widely  distributed."  J.  F.  H. 
Claiborne,  in  his  History  of  Mississippi,  states  that  the 
proclamation  was  issued  and  a  reward  of  two  thousand 
dollars  was  offered  for  the  capture  of  Mason  and 
Harpe.  No  two  historians  make  precisely  the  same 
statements  regarding  the  reward.  It  is  more  than  like- 
ly that  a  printed  proclamation  was  issued,  although  an 
effort  to  find  a  copy  or  reprint  has  been  futile.  The 
proclamation    in    all    probability   gave,   among  other 


200  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

things,  the  facts  embraced  in  the  following  statement 
quoted  from  a  letter  written  two  years  later  by  Gov- 
ernor Claiborne  to  James  Madison,  who  was  then  Sec- 
retary of  State  at  Washington:  "A  reward  of  four 
hundred  dollars  for  apprehending  them  was  offered  by 
the  Secretary  of  War,  and  five  hundred  dollars  by  my- 
self, in  my  character  as  Governor  of  the  Territory." 

The  extermination  of  Mason  and  his  band  was  a  mat- 
ter of  serious  importance  to  the  law  abiding  and  peace 
loving  citizens  of  the  Territory.  And  now  that  a  re- 
ward of  at  least  nine  hundred  dollars  had  been  offered 
and  the  militia  directed  to  search  for  the  outlaws,  the 
prospects  of  capture  appeared  very  encouraging.  It 
was  known  that  Mason  and  Harpe  had  lived  in  Ken- 
tucky and  at  Cave-in-Rock,  and  it  was  therefore  appar- 
ently presumed  that  they  were  old  and  constant  asso- 
ciates. The  two  outlaws,  however,  may  never  have 
met  in  Kentucky  nor  at  the  Cave.  Whether  or  not 
Mason  the  robber  and  Harpe  the  brute  were  in  the 
same  band,  both,  nevertheless,  deserved  the  severest 
punishment  that  could  be  inflicted  by  a  pioneer  people. 

A  number  of  highway  robbers  and  river  pirates  had 
been  arrested  during  the  time  Mason  was  working  in 
Mississippi,  but  Samuel  Mason  and  Wiley  Harpe,  the 
most  notorious  of  them  all,  had  evaded  arrest.  Where 
were  they  likely  to  be  found?  As  a  matter  of  fact  out- 
laws camped  at  any  place  they  found  convenient  and 
well  adapted  for  their  work,  but  never  remained  long 
at  any  one  spot.  It  was  known  that  Samuel  Mason 
had,  at  one  time,  lived  about  twenty  miles  northeast  of 
Natchez,  near  what  is  now  Fayette.  [81]  Shortly  after 
the  Baker  highway  robbery  had  taken  place  it  was  dis- 
covered that  at  the  time  of  the  robbery  Mason's  head- 
quarters was  near  Rocky  Springs,  a  stopping  place  on 


Mason  on  the  Natchez  Trace  201 

the  old  Natchez  Trace  some  forty  miles  northeast  of 
Natchez  and  twenty  miles  south  of  Vicksburg.23 

Draper  in  a  brief  note  [12H]  says  Mason  spent  much 
time  at  Palmyra  and  on  Stack  Island.  Palmyra  then, 
as  now,  was  a  very  small  settlement  on  the  Mississippi, 
about  twenty  miles  below  Vicksburg.  Stack  Island, 
also  known  as  Crow's  Nest  or  Island  No.  94,  was 
washed  away  shortly  after  Mason's  day,  and  in  time 
most  of  its  traditions  disappeared.  It  was  on  Stack 
Island,  near  the  mouth  of  Lake  Providence,  about 
fifty-five  miles  below  Vicksburg,  that  we  first  hear  of 
Mason -after  organized  bands  began  to  search  for  him. 

Claiborne,  the  historian,  states  that:  "After  the 
Governor's  proclamation  had  been  issued  Mason  and 
his  gang  were  closely  hunted  by  the  whites  and  Indians 
and,  having  made  some  narrow  escapes,  they  quit  the 
country  and  crossed  the  Mississippi  to  somewhere  about 
Lake  Providence  [Louisiana]  in  the  then  Spanish  ter- 

23  One  of  Mason's  daughters-in-law,  Mrs.  Tom  Mason,  continued  to  live 
for  a  short  time  at  the  Rocky  Springs  rendezvous  after  the  camp  had  been 
abandoned  by  the  others,  who  rightly  suspected  that  the  governor's  reward 
would  result  in  a  thorough  search  along  the  Trace.  It  is  possible  Mrs. 
Mason's  condition  made  flight  impossible,  but  it  is  more  probable  she  con- 
cluded to  remain  behind  and,  in  time,  find  a  home  in  some  law-abiding  com- 
munity. Guild,  who  interviewed  Swaney,  gives  us  only  one  glimpse  of  this 
woman : 

"After  the  band  had  left  she  started  to  the  Chickasaw  Agency  where  she 
would  be  able  to  communicate  with  her  friends.  When  Mr.  Swaney  met 
her  she  was  on  her  way,  carrying  her  babe,  together  with  some  provisions. 
Mrs.  Mason  begged  Mr.  Swaney  to  assist  her  ...  He  spent  nearly  a  whole 
day  in  assisting  the  woman,  and  then  made  up  lost  time  by  riding  all  night. 
Mrs.  Mason  told  Mr.  Swaney  that  Mason's  band  was  safe  out  of  reach  of 
their  pursuers,  and  that  before  leaving  they  buried  their  gold  in  the  bottoms 
near  the  river  and  cut  the  initials  'T.M.'  on  trees  near  the  spot  so  they  could 
easily  find  it  in  the  future." 

According  to  one  tradition  [114]  Mason  crossed  the  Mississippi  River  and 
went  westward  to  the  highlands  northwest  of  Vicksburg  "which  are  known 
to  this  day  as  Mason  Hills"  and  there  hid  some  booty.  "To  the  present  day," 
continues  this  chronicle,  "many  people  believe  that  rich  treasures  lie  buried 
out  in  the  Mason  Hills." 


202  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

ritory."  Whether  at  Lake  Providence  (which  is  on 
the  Spanish  side  of  the  Mississippi  but  practically  on 
the  river)  or  on  the  nearby  Stack  Island  in  the  river, 
Mason  was  in  a  position  to  flee  easily  into  that  part  of 
the  great  Spanish  wilderness  which  today  is  northern 
Louisiana  and  the  state  of  Arkansas.  There  he  could 
not  only  conceal  himself  more  effectually,  but  also  live 
with  some  confidence  that  the  Spanish  authorities  would 
not  attempt  to  capture  him. 

At  Stack  Island  Mason  laid  his  hand  upon  fate. 
The  band  robbed  a  traveler  and  found  among  his  ef- 
fects a  copy  of  Governor  Claiborne's  proclamation. 
[26]  Monette  says  that  Mason  read  it  aloud  and  "in- 
dulged in  much  merriment  on  the  occasion."  The 
statement  in  the  proclamation  that  Wiley  (or  Little) 
Harpe,  the  Kentucky  desperado,  was  a  member  of  his 
gang  convinced  Mason  that  the  authorities  were  in 
great  fear  of  the  prowess  of  his  band  and  were  driven 
to  arouse  the  public  to  terror  and  activity  by  conjuring 
with  the  dreadful  name  of  Harpe.  Mason  was  feeling 
good,  notwithstanding  the  hue  and  cry  raised  by  the 
promise  of  rewards  for  his  capture  dead  or  alive.  He 
was  perfectly  confident  of  his  ability  to  escape  any 
American  militiamen  or  Mississippi  posse.  He  could 
afford  to  laugh  at  the  additional  incitement  to  his  cap- 
ture contained  in  the  declaration  that  he  had  joined 
forces  with  Harpe. 

Nobody  can  say  positively  that  Little  Harpe  was  at 
that  date  a  member  of  the  band.  It  is  more  than  prob- 
able that  Mason  would  not  knowingly  have  permitted 
Harpe  to  join  him.  The  reputation  of  the  Harpes  for 
brutality  was  sufficient  to  condemn  them  in  the  estima- 
tion of  even  such  outcasts  as  Mason  and  his  men.  Some- 
where in  that  southwest  wilderness,   however,   Little 


Mason  on  the  Natchez  Trace  203 

Harpe  was  concealing  himself  from  the  fate  that  pur- 
sued him.  He  was  hiding  under  assumed  names,  not 
daring  to  reveal  his  own  even  to  the  most  abandoned 
persons  he  met  for  fear  of  capture.  Hunted  like  a  wild 
animal,  it  was  necessary  to  lose  his  identity  beyond  the 
most  remote  chance  of  discovery. 

The  question  is  was  Harpe  with  Mason  when  the 
latter  read  his  name  aloud  and  made  merriment  about 
it?  Was  the  headsman  of  fate  stalking  there  at  Ma- 
son's elbow,  compelled  to  keep  silence  and  join  in  the 
laughter  in  that  hour  of  grim  jocularity?  It  was  not 
until  April,  1802,  that  John  Setton  appears  of  record 
as  one  of  Mason's  band,  was  captured  with  him,  tried 
with  him,  and  escaped  with  him.  It  was  not  until 
almost  two  years  later,  under  most  dramatic  circum- 
stances, that  Setton  was  to  be  identified  as  Little  Harpe- 
as  the  man  who  brought  fate  home  to  Mason  and  him- 
self and  immediately  met  the  pitiless  fate  he  had  so 
long  and  well  deserved.  All  this  will  be  shown  later, 
but  it  is  one  of  the  mysteries  of  history  whether  that 
day  at  Stack  Island  Mason  laughed  himself  out  of  the 
fear  of  Governor  Claiborne  and  committed  himself 
into  the  hands  of  fate  in  the  person  of  Little  Harpe. 
There  is  a  further  doubt  whether  Mason  ever  did  act- 
ually discover  that  John  Setton  was  Little  Harpe.24 

In  May,  1802,  we  find  Mason's  band  at  the  mouth  of 
White  River,  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  above 

24  Cramer's  Navigator,  1818,  says:  "Stack  or  Crow's  Nest  Island  has  been 
sunk  by  the  earthquake  [of  181 1]  or  swept  by  the  floods  .  .  .  Stack  not  long 
since  was  famed  for  a  band  of  counterfeiters,  horse  thieves,  robbers,  mur- 
derers, etc.  who  made  this  part  of  the  Mississippi  a  place  of  manufacture 
and  deposit.  From  hence  they  would  sally  forth,  stop  boats,  buy  horses, 
flour,  whiskey,  etc.  and  pay  for  all  in  fine,  new  notes  of  the  'first  water.' 
Their  villainies  (after  many  severe  losses  sustained  by  innocent,  good  men, 
unsuspecting  the  cheat)  became  notorious,  and  after  several  years'  search 
and  pursuit  of  the  civil  law,  and  in  some  cases  the  club-law,  against  this 
band  of  monsters,  they  have  at  length  disappeared." 


204  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

Stack  Island.  The  Palladium  on  August  12,  1802,  in 
a  news  item  dated  Cincinnati,  North  West  Territory, 
July  31,  says: 

"A  letter  dated,  Natchez,  June  11,  from  a  gentle- 
man who  lately  descended  the  river,  contains  the  fol- 
lowing interesting  intelligence:  'We  were  attacked  by 
robbers  near  the  mouth  of  White  River  and  a  breeze 
springing  up,  prevented  us  from  being  boarded  by  two 
pirogues,  having  in  each  six  men  well  armed.  They 
hailed  us  from  the  shore,  telling  us  they  wished  to  pur- 
chase some  rifles,  and  on  our  refusing  to  land,  they  com- 
menced the  pursuit.  They  originally  consisted  of 
three  companies,  and  were  commanded  by  a  person 
named  Mason,  who  has  left  the  camp  at  White  River, 
and  scours  the  road  through  the  wilderness.  About 
two  weeks  ago  they  attacked  a  merchant  boat  and  took 
possession  of  her,  after  having  killed  one  of  the  people 
on  board.'  " 

Other  robberies  in  1802  and  in  the  summer  and  fall 
of  1803  were  reported,  but  by  whom  they  were  com- 
mitted is  not  stated  in  the  current  newspapers.  The 
one  just  cited,  however,  was  without  doubt  some  of 
Mason's  work.  It  occurred  about  one  hundred  and 
fifty  miles  above  Stack  Island  and  three  hundred  miles 
above  Natchez,  and  some  three  hundred  miles  below 
New  Madrid,  which  was  then  the  principal  town  in 
the  Spanish  territory  of  upper  Louisiana.  New  Ma- 
drid is  now  the  county  seat  of  New  Madrid  County, 
Missouri.  The  New  Madrid  country  was  six  hundred 
miles  from  Natchez,  out  of  the  Mississippi  territory 
and  in  a  field  where  Mason  felt  he  could  carry  on  his 
usual  activities,  unhindered  by  the  men  who  were  pur- 
suing him  for  the  nine  hundred  dollars  reward.  Mason 
went  up  the  river  and  had  taken  steps  toward  establish- 


Mason  on  the  Natchez  Trace  205 

ing  himself  a  few  miles  below  the  town  of  New  Ma- 
drid, in  a  small  settlement  known  as  Little  Prairie, 
when  in  January,  1803,  he  was  trapped  and  captured. 
He  was  arrested,  not  by  the  American  officials  he  so 
much  feared,  but  by  the  Spanish  authorities  who  sus- 
pected that  he  was  guilty  of  many  of  the  crimes  that 
had  been  committed  on  their  side  of  the  Mississippi 
River.  The  curious  story  of  that  frontier  pursuit  and 
trial  is  now  to  be  told  from  the  French  records  for  the 
first  time. 


Mason -Trapped  and  Tried 

The  official  record  of  the  arrest  of  the  Masons  at 
Little  Prairie  and  their  trial  at  New  Madrid  is  still  in 
existence.  The  whereabouts  of  this  old  document  has 
been  noted  by  a  few  historians  who  briefly  state  that 
"There  is  in  the  Mississippi  Department  of  Archives 
and  History  a  record  in  French  of  the  trial  of  Mason 
for  robbery,  by  the  military  authorities  of  New  Madrid, 
dated  January,  1803."  But  no  writer  has  heretofore 
penetrated  into  this  manuscript  to  discover  what  the 
trial  revealed  or  how  it  ended.  It  was  found  among 
the  papers  belonging  to  J.  F.  H.  Claiborne,  the  his- 
torian, and  is  now  preserved  in  Jackson.25 

The  document  covers  one  hundred  and  eighty-two 
pages.  Many  of  the  leaves  are  badly  faded.  Although 
the  penmanship  is  far  from  good,  every  word,  with  few 
exceptions,  can  be  deciphered.  It  is  filled  with  inter- 
esting facts  and  equally  interesting  perjury.  From  the 
beginning  of  legislation  down  through  the  pioneer 
days  humanity  has  ever  been  the  same,  and  facts  and 
fabrications  have  been  paraded  together  before  officials 
who  are  to  pass  judgment  on  the  evidence  presented. 
The  Mason  trial  is  no  exception  to  this  old  practice  in 
courts,  but  is  rather  an  exaggerated  instance  of  the 
tendency,  as  common  in  the  "good  old  days"  as  in  our 
own  times. 

The  manuscript  gives  a  complete  history  not  only  of 

25  The  author  is  indebted  to  Dr.  Dunbar  Rowland,  of  the  Mississippi  De- 
partment of  Archives  and  History,  for  the  privilege  of  having  a  translation 
made  of  the  record  of  Mason's  trial. 


208  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

the  proceedings  during  the  trial,  but  also  of  the  arrests 
that  preceded  it.  It  begins  with  the  day  New  Madrid 
officials  were  notified  that  the  Masons  were  seen  at 
Little  Prairie,  thirty  miles  down  the  river.  A  clerk 
then,  and  every  day  thereafter,  carefully  noted  what 
action  had  been  taken  by  the  pursuers  and  what  evi- 
dence had  been  gathered  against  the  suspects,  and  con- 
tinued the  record  through  all  the  other  proceedings. 

The  commandant  at  New  Madrid,  by  whom  the  pur- 
suit was  ordered  and  before  whom  the  captives  were 
tried,  evidently  did  not  understand  English,  which  was 
the  only  language  spoken  by  nearly  all  the  persons  who 
appeared  before  him.  Questions  and  answers  were 
transmitted  through  an  official  interpreter. 

There  were  fifteen  witnesses.  Eight  made  declara- 
tions regarding  their  knowledge  of  Mason  and  his 
family;  the  other  seven  were  the  prisoners  themselves, 
who  testified  in  their  own  behalf.  Every  witness  took 
"an  oath  on  the  cross  of  his  sword"  to  speak  the  truth. 
In  a  few  instances  "and  by  the  Holy  Scriptures"  was 
added.  As  a  witness  was  being  heard  the  substance  of 
his  statements  was  recorded  in  French  and  after  he  fin- 
ished, his  testimony  was  read  to  him,  transposed  into 
English,  and  he,  "maintaining  it  contained  the  truth  to 
which  nothing  could  be  added  or  unsaid,"  signed  it  as 
did  the  presiding  officials.  Four  of  these  signatures  are 
here  reproduced  in  facsimile. 


In  the  official  document  many  statements  and  legal 
phrases  are  often  repeated;  they  add  to  its  length  but 


Trapped  and  Tried  209 

throw  no  new  light  on  the  subject.  In  the  following 
more  or  less  paraphrased  condensation  the  number  of 
words  is  greatly  reduced  but  the  substance  of  the  orig- 
inal is,  in  the  main,  retained. 

The  first  entry  in  the  old  record  is  dated  January  11, 
1803.  It  shows  that  one  Pierre  Dapron,  a  citizen  of 
New  Madrid,  appeared  in  court  and  made  a  declara- 

tion  before  three  officials :  the  Commandant,  Don  Henri 
Peyroux  de  la  Coudreniere,  "Captain  of  the  Army, 
Civil  and  Military  Commander  of  the  District  of  New 


ofsU  d3V&n 


Madrid;"  Don  Pierre  Antoine  LaForge,  "Commis- 
sioner of  Police  and  Officer  of  the  Militia,"  and  Don 
Joseph  Charpentier,  "Interpreter  for  His  Majesty  in 
the  English  Language."  Dapron  explained  to  these 
officials  that  he  had  returned  from  Little  Prairie  and 
considered  it  his  duty  to  declare  that  Ignace  Belan  had 
informed  him  that  on  his  way  to  New  Orleans  with  a 
cargo  of  salt  pork  he  had  seen  four  persons  at  Little 


210  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

Prairie  whom  he  suspected  of  being  members  of  the 
Mason  band  and  although  they  did  not  attempt  to  rob 
his  boat,  he  felt  their  presence  should  be  reported. 

George  Ruddell,  a  citizen  of  Little  Prairie,  appeared 
before  the  court  the  same  day  and  "told  us  by  means  of 
the  interpreter  that  a  party  of  eight  men  and  one  wo- 
man," well  armed  and  mounted,  had  arrived  in  town 
about  two  weeks  before  and  had  taken  possession  of  an 
empty  house  belonging  to  an  American  citizen,  Lesieur, 
who  had  not  been  consulted  by  them  nor  had  they 
shown  any  passports.  In  the  meantime,  they  rented  a 
ten-acre  tract  from  John  Ruddell  and  bought  a  cow  and 
sundry  provisions.  Among  other  things  that  aroused 
the  suspicion  of  the  neighborhood  was  the  careful  man- 
ner in  which  the  house  was  guarded  by  the  occupants. 
Ruddell  expressed  the  opinion  that  if  this  was  not  the 
Mason  band,  then  it  was  probably  a  part,  explaining 
that  "since  the  Governor  of  Natchez  had  the  militia  on 
the  lookout  for  these  robbers,  the  original  crowd  may 
have  separated  into  smaller  groups."  He  was  inclined 
to  think  that  although  the  man  called  "father"  was  not 
the  exact  size  of  Samuel  Mason,  whom  he  had  seen 
some  years  before,  he  nevertheless  felt  confident  that 
"father"  Mason  was  among  the  members  of  this  gang. 
He  concluded  his  declaration  by  stating  that  he  was  act- 
ing in  behalf  of  the  citizens  of  Little  Prairie  who  sug- 
gested that  these  suspects  be  arrested  and  their  effects 
examined. 

The  next  day,  "in  view  of  the  above  cited  declara- 
tions," the  Commandant  ordered  four  persons,  Joseph 
Charpentier,  LaForge,  George  Ruddell,  and  Don  Rob- 
ert McCoy,  "Captain  of  the  Militia,"  to  proceed  to 
Little  Prairie -a  distance  of  about  thirty  miles -and 
there  meet  a  division  of  regulars  commanded  by  Cor- 


Trapped  and  Tried  211 

poral  Felipo  Canot,  who  had  been  ordered  to  the  scene. 
Upon  their  arrival  at  the  place  further  investigation 
convinced  the  officers  that  the  new  suspects  were  Samuel 
Mason  and  some  of  his  followers,  and  that  about  half 
the  number  had  left  the  Lesieur  house  and  moved  over 
to  a  house  owned  by  Francois  Langlois.  Realizing  that 
the  pursuing  party  would  soon  be  scented  by  the  sus- 
pects, it  was  decided  to  invade  the  two  houses  early  in 
the  morning. 

At  six  o'clock  in  the  morning  George  Ruddell  in- 
formed Captain  McCoy  that  the  Masons  had  their 
horses  saddled  and  loaded  with  baggage  and  were  on 
the  point  of  leaving  for  New  Madrid,  but  Samuel  Ma- 
son, known  as  "Father  Mason,"  hearing  that  the  inter- 
preter was  in  town,  expressed  a  desire  to  see  him  and 
explain  that  he  wished  to  go  to  New  Madrid  to  "justify 
himself'  and  clear  himself  of  the  crimes  of  which  he 
was  "falsely  accused."  Captain  McCoy,  George  Rud- 
dell, and  the  interpreter  walked  to  the  house  occupied 
by  Samuel  Mason  and  suggested  to  him  that,  in  view 
of  his  intention  to  volunteer  a  justification,  he  and  those 
of  his  people  with  him  would  do  well  to  go  over  to  the 
house  occupied  by  his  other  associates  where  he  would 
be  given  a  hearing  and  could  make  explanations  which 
would  be  forwarded  to  the  Commandant  at  New  Ma- 
drid. To  this  Mason  consented  and  by  eight  o'clock  his 
party,  consisting  of  six  men,  one  woman,  and  three  chil- 
dren, was  assembled  in  the  Lesieur  house  which,  unsus- 
pected by  the  Masons,  was  guarded  by  concealed  mili- 
tia. Samuel  Mason,  turning  to  Captain  McCoy,  im- 
mediately referred  to  the  "unjust  imputations"  made 
against  him  and  his  people.  The  Captain  expressed  the 
opinion  that  his  explanation  and  justification  had  better 
be  made  in  person  to  the  Commandant.    A  signal  was 


212  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

given  by  Captain  McCoy,  and  before  the  Masons  real- 
ized it,  they  were  "in  handcuffs  and  chains." 

Then,  in  the  words  of  the  clerk,  "We  immediately 
asked  said  prisoners  their  names  and  the  father  or  oldest 
gave  his  as  Samuel  Mason;"  those  of  his  four  sons,  in 
order  of  age,  were  given  as  Thomas,  John,  Samuel 
Jr.  (about  eighteen  years  of  age)  and  Magnus  Mason 
(about  sixteen  years  of  age) .  Another  man  called  him- 
self John  Taylor  (later  in  the  trial  known  as  John  Set- 
ton).  The  woman  had  three  children  with  her  and  gave 
her  name  as  Marguerite  Douglas,  wife  of  John  Mason. 
Upon  being  questioned  by  McCoy  and  Charpentier, 
Samuel  Mason  answered  that  they  had  come  from  No- 
gales  (Vicksburg)  and  intended  to  establish  themselves 
in  or  near  Little  Prairie,  in  accordance  with  a  passport 
given  him.  When  asked  to  produce  a  passport  issued 
"by  the  authorities  of  the  locality  from  whence  he 
came,"  it  was  discovered  he  had  "none  other  than  the 
one  we  ourselves  had  given,  dated  New  Madrid,  March 
29th,  1800."  This  he  surrendered  to  Captain  McCoy, 
who  agreed  with  the  other  officials  present  that  it  was 
genuine. 

The  original  passport  was  inserted  between  two 
leaves  of  the  record  book  where  it  has  ever  since  re- 
mained.   The  following  is  a  translation : 

"New  Madrid,  March  29th,  1800. 

"Whereas  Samuel  Masson,  Esqr.  has  expressed  a 
wish  to  settle  in  this  district  and  wishes  to  arrange  his 
business  affairs,  We,  Don  Henri  Peyroux  de  la  Coun- 
dreniere,  Captain  of  the  Armies  of  His  Majesty,  Civil 
and  Military  Commander  of  this  Post  and  District  of 
New  Madrid,  hereby  grant  permission  to  said  Samuel 
Masson  to  proceed  to  Natchez  per  boat,  and  on  his 


/ "  > 


js>   ^&:&    P 


^'HlgF; 


=r    > 


r> s  i  It » 

&MV  III 


h-W.  n 


m 


&  ..  ^ 


Trapped  and  Tried  215 

return  from  there,  said  Samuel  Masson  may  select  a 
suitable  place  in  this  District  for  himself  and  family. 
He,  Samuel  Masson,  having  by  oath  attested  his  loy- 
alty and  fidelity  to  us,  we  pray  that  no  hindrance  be 
placed  to  his  proposed  journey. 

"Henri  Peyroux 
"Approved  and  marked  with  the  flourish  of  our  sig- 
nature." 

"We  told  them,"  continues  the  record,  "in  order  that 
none  of  their  effects  be  lost  or  strayed  an  inventory  of 
same  would  be  made  at  once  .  .  .  and  at  two  o'clock  in 
the  afternoon  we  proceeded  with  the  above-named  in- 
ventory." This  work  required  almost  two  days.  Every 
item  was  carefully  examined  and  tabulated.  There 
were  eight  horses,  new  and  old  clothes,  many  yards  of 
silk,  muslin  and  cotton,  old  and  new  pistols  and  guns, 
"a  field  stove,"  a  box  of  salt,  three  horns  of  powder,  six 
barrels  of  flour,  English  cutlery,  various  other  im- 
ported goods  and  more  than  a  hundred  other  items, 
and  seven  thousand  dollars  in  United  States  money  of 
various  denominations,  of  which  the  series  number  and 
amount  of  each  was  noted. 

The  following  morning,  while  the  inventory  was 
being  made,  Samuel  Mason,  on  behalf  of  his  people, 
applied  for  the  return  of  certain  utensils  and  clothing 
of  which  his  people  had  immediate  need,  and  asked  for 
"a  pro  and  con  settlement"  with  the  citizens  of  Little 
Prairie.  These  requests  were  granted.  On  the  16th, 
the  prisoners,  with  their  property  and  a  military  guard, 
arrived  at  New  Madrid.  How  they  were  transported 
is  not  stated. 

The  trial  began  the  morning  of  the  17th.  "The  Com- 
mandant having  learned  of  the  conversation  Captain 


216  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

McCoy  and  Charpentier  had  with  the  prisoners,  called 
on  these  two  officers  to  make  declarations." 

Captain  McCoy,  after  taking  the  oath,  declared  that 
his  duties  as  captain  of  the  militia  threw  him  in  the 
presence  of  Samuel  Mason  much  of  the  time  after  the 
arrest,  and  that  the  prisoner  frequently  spoke  to  him  of 
the  coming  trial.  Mason,  continued  the  witness,  re- 
peatedly asserted  that  he  had  never  done  any  wrong  on 
the  Spanish  side  of  the  Mississippi  River,  and  that  if 
time  were  given  him  he  could  and  would,  in  justice  to 
himself,  disclose  many  criminals.  On  one  occasion 
Mason  asked  "if  a  man  became  informer,  with  proofs 
and  evidence  of  crimes  committed  in  the  States,  could 
he  obtain  pardon  for  those  attributed  to  him?"  McCoy 
casually  answered  him  that  if  he  could  give  such  in- 
formation it  would,  in  all  probability,  clear  up  matters 
and  greatly  help  him  and  his  people. 

Mason  stated  to  Captain  McCoy  that  although  it 
was  widely  rumored  that  he  was  "the  man  smeared 
over  with  black,"  who  had  committed  many  crimes 
"along  the  highway,"  he  could  in  each  instance  prove 
that  he  was  far  from  the  scene  when  the  robberies  oc- 
curred. He  denied  that  he  was  implicated  in  the  high- 
way robbery  or  the  boat  robbery  of  a  man  named  Ba- 
ker, from  whom  "some  three  thousand  piasters"  were 
taken.  But  when  he,  Captain  McCoy,  remarked  that 
Baker  would  appear  in  a  few  days,  "the  prisoner 
seemed  disturbed  and  asked  for  particulars  relative  to 
his  coming." 

Captain  McCoy  further  declared  that  while  the  in- 
ventory was  being  taken  he  asked  Mason  how  he  hap- 
pened to  have  so  many  banknotes  and  the  old  man  who 
usually  stood  as  spokesman  for  his  crowd,  first  seemed 
startled  and  then  pretended  not  to  understand  the  ques- 


Trapped  and  Tried  217 

tion.  The  question  was  repeated  and  the  prisoners 
stared  at  each  other  for  a  moment,  when  John  Taylor 
(alias  John  Setton)  came  to  the  rescue  by  saying:  "The 
banknotes  were  found  in  a  bag  hanging  in  a  bush,  near 
the  road  where  we  happened  to  be  camping."26 

Don  Joseph  Charpentier  was  next  called  upon  to 
make  a  declaration.  The  record  shows  that  his  state- 
ments were  practically  the  same  as  those  made  by  Cap- 
tain McCoy,  but  touched  on  a  few  additional  subjects. 
He  had  heard  Samuel  Mason  say  that  the  only  thing 
for  which  he  could  be  reproached  was  having  served  in 
prison  for  debt.  Mason,  he  said,  asked  him  and  some 
of  the  other  officers  whether  or  not  they  thought  the 
money  found  in  his  possession  was  genuine  and  all  an- 
swered, in  effect,  that  they  presumed  Mason  knew.  To 
this  the  prisoner  replied  that  he  had  made  no  attempt 
to  pass  any  of  the  bills  and  that  if  they  were  counter- 
feit, he  could  not  be  punished  for  carrying  them.  He 
wanted  to  know  by  whose  authority  he  was  arrested, 
and  whether  it  was  likely  he  would  be  turned  over  to 
the  Americans.  He  stated  he  would  rather  be  deprived 
of  all  his  property  and  pass  the  remainder  of  his  days 
on  Spanish  soil  than  be  delivered  into  the  hands  of  the 
United  States  officials. 

On  January  18th  Samuel  Mason  appeared  before 
the  Commandant,  the  Commissioner  of  Police,  the  Cap- 
tain of  Militia,  and  the  Interpreter.  Answering  ques- 
tions, he  stated  that  he  was  born  in  Pennsylvania  and 
had  lately  come  from  the  District  of  Natchez  for  the 
purpose  of  residing  near  New  Madrid.    As  to  how  he 

26  Samuel  Mason  probably  had  heard  of  "money  growing  on  trees."  It 
was  a  common  practice  for  travelers  to  hide  their  money  over  night  in  the 
bushes  near  the  place  they  camped.  It  is  likely  that  Mason  sometimes 
"found"  the  money  of  highway  travelers  while  they  were  asleep,  or  "found" 
it  after  he  had  surprised  the  campers  and  driven  them  off  before  they  could 
procure  their  brush-hidden  valuables. 


218  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

made  a  living  he  swore  he  had  depended  upon  his  plan- 
tation, his  "horned  cattle,"  the  labor  of  his  sons  and  the 
people  he  sometimes  employed.  He  explained  that  his 
plan  was  to  have  his  four  sons  then  with  him,  his  wife, 
his  son  living  on  the  river  Monongahela,  Mrs.  Thomp- 
son (a  married  daughter)  and  her  husband,  another 
son-in-law,  and  a  few  other  kinsmen  join  him  in  the 
settlement  he  proposed  to  establish.  He  said  that  he 
had  recently  sold  his  place  near  Natchez  and  the  only 
claim  he  had  on  land  was  located  on  the  Monongahela, 
to  which  he  had  fallen  heir  through  a  "brother  who 
died  young." 

When  asked  why  he  had  not  made  use  of  the  passport 
the  year  it  was  issued  to  him,  he  asserted  that  he  had 
been  kept  busy  settling  his  business  affairs.  He  added 
that  he  had  spent  much  time  in  the  District  of  Natchez 
trying  to  show  that  the  suspicion  held  against  him  of 
being  a  robber  was  groundless,  but  notwithstanding 
earnest  efforts  his  attempts  were  in  vain. 

His  attention  was  called  to  the  fact  that  since  his  pass- 
port as  a  settler's  permit  had  expired,  he  would  be 
obliged  to  give  new  references.  He  then  gave  the  name 
of  his  daughter,  Mrs.  Thompson,  of  Cape  Girardeau, 
whose  first  husband  was  Mr.  Winterington,  and  Gen- 
eral Benjamin  Harrison,  whose  sister  married  his, 
Samuel  Mason's,  brother,  the  owner  of  a  kiln  on  the 
Monongahela.  He  was  requested  to  cite,  if  he  could, 
some  local  people,  and  he  referred  to  Dr.  Richard  Jones 
Waters,  saying  he  was  the  man  on  whose  recommenda- 
tion he  had  received  the  passport  three  years  before,  but 
admitted  that  he  had  known  the  gentleman  only  slightly. 

Mason's  answers  show  that  he  knew  more  or  less 
about  the  robberies  that  had  been  referred  to,  but  in 
each  case  he  managed  to  explain  how  and  from  whom 


Trapped  and  Tried  219 

he  received  the  information.  For  example,  when  the 
Owsley  boat  robbery,  in  which  he  said  Phillips  was  im- 
plicated, was  under  discussion,  he  stated  that  in  May, 
1802,  two  of  his  sons  were  coming  up  the  Mississippi 
River  and  were  overtaken  by  two  men,  Wiguens  and 
John  Taylor,  in  a  boat,  from  whom  they  heard  of  the 
robbery.  Later,  he  met  Owsley,  the  owner  of  the  boat, 
who  requested  him  to  investigate  the  case.  This  he  did, 
with  some  assistance  by  a  Mr.  Koiret,  and  in  conse- 
quence he  knew  where  the  booty  had  been  stored  and 
learned  many  other  details. 

He  more  than  once  asserted  he  would  throw  light  on 
a  number  of  robberies,  and  not  only  give  the  names  of 
the  guilty  parties,  but  would  produce  them,  "if  the 
Commandant  assured  him  he  would  spare  his  life  and 
exonerate  him  of  all  misdeeds  which  rumor  had  so  un- 
justly attributed  to  him."  The  Commandant  replied 
that  "it  is  customary  to  spare  the  lives  of  such  confessors 
and  to  show  great  leniency  toward  them."  After  a 
somewhat  pathetic  recital  before  the  officials  of  how  his 
many  efforts  ended  in  failure  to  "justify"  himself,  and 
evidently  feeling  confident  he  had  impressed  the  Com- 
mandant as  an  innocent  man,  and  to  show  that  he  could 
produce  a  guilty  man,  he  informed  the  court  that  one  of 
his  fellow-prisoners,  John  Taylor,  alias  John  Setton, 
alias  Wells  -"and  sometimes  going  by  other  names  he, 
Mason,  could  not  recall"-  was  one  of  the  guilty  parties. 
That  prisoner,  Mason  insinuated,  could  give  much  in- 
formation regarding  the  robbing  of  Owsley's  boat  and 
other  robberies,  for  he  knew  John  Taylor  was  impli- 
cated in  them. 

John  Setton,  the  man  of  various  aliases,  was  brought 
before  the  Commandant  to  testify.  He  admitted  that 
he  had  changed  his  name  to  John  Taylor,  but  explained 


220  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

that  he  did  so  because  Samuel  Mason  demanded  it,  and 
that  he  suspected  Mason  had  some  specific  purpose  in 
insisting  upon  the  name  of  John  Taylor.  He  also  ad- 
mitted (and  probably  in  a  triumphant  way)  that  Sam- 
uel Mason  was  correct  in  his  statement  that  he,  "one 
of  Mason's  fellow  prisoners,  could  give  much  informa- 
tion regarding  robberies."  He  said  that  he  had  been 
with  the  Masons  since  May  14,  1802 -eight  months. 

He  swore  he  was  an  Irishman  and  had  come  to 
America  in  1797,  and  shortly  thereafter  enrolled  in 
Major  Geyon's  corps  but  "deserted  near  the  high 
coast."  Reaching  Nogales  (Vicksburg)  he  "worked 
for  three  weeks  for  His  Majesty  the  King  of  Spain," 
and  then  went  down  the  river  in  the  "row-gaily  Louisi- 
ana" to  New  Orleans  where,  during  the  winter,  he 
found  occupation  as  a  carpenter.  After  this,  for  a 
period  of  about  two  years,  he  shifted  around  in  Spanish 
territory,  either  working  with  white  people  or  "hunting 
with  Chaquetaw  Indians."  One  day  while  in  Arkansas 
an  American  officer  recognized  him  as  a  deserter  from 
the  army  and  asked  for  his  delivery  to  a  Spanish  post. 
He  was  delivered  into  the  hands  of  the  American 
authorities  and  placed  in  jail.  There  he  met  Wiguens, 
an  American  soldier,  and  a  month  later  both  escaped. 
They  went  back  to  Arkansas  and  were  shortly  after- 
wards arrested  by  the  Commander  of  the  Arkansas 
Post,  who  considered  them  suspicious  characters  and 
kept  them  in  jail  twenty-eight  days.  They  then  found 
farm  employment  for  a  month  with  a  man  named  Gib- 
son, who  obtained  for  them  a  passport  to  go  hunting  on 
White  River.  They  hunted  until  May,  1802,  when  they 
came  down  the  river  some  distance  in  a  boat  and  then 
crossed  over  the  country  to  "Little  Prairie  of  the  St. 
Francis  River,"  where  they  sold  their  skins  to  one  Ful- 


Trapped  and  Tried  221 

som.  They  continued  their  trip,  for  he,  Setton,  "wished 
to  join  his  family  in  Pennsylvania."  When  "at  the 
crossing  of  the  Chaquetaws  below  the  river  Ares,"  they 
met,  by  chance,  John  and  Thomas  Mason,  Gibson,  and 
Wilson,  and  he  had  been  with  the  Masons  ever  since. 

The  Commandant  asked  Setton  whether  or  not  he 
was  acquainted  with  "the  man  Harpe"  and  he  answered 
that  he  had  met  a  man  by  that  name  in  Cumberland 
who  had  since  been  killed,  but  had  left  a  brother,  whose 
whereabouts  was  unknown  to  him.  Setton  further 
stated,  upon  being  questioned,  that  he  did  not  know 
whether  or  not  Harpe  and  any  of  the  Masons  ever  had 
any  dealings  together  or  had  ever  met,  but  he  felt  con- 
fident that  Harpe  had  not  been  around  since  he  had  had 
the  misfortune  to  fall  into  Mason's  hands.27 

27  The  story  of  John  Setton's  life  up  to  this  time,  as  recited  by  Setton  him- 
self, doubtless  appeared  very  plausible  to  the  officials.  There  was,  never- 
theless, very  little  truth  in  it.  This  court  identified  him  by  the  names  Setton, 
Taylor,  and  Wells.  It  apparently  disregarded  Samuel  Mason's  statement 
that  the  prisoner  sometimes  went  by  other  names  which  he,  Mason,  could 
not  recall.  These  three  names  were  equally  unfamiliar;  none  were  connected 
with  the  known  history  of  any  crime.  Mason  himself  may  have  been  ignorant 
of  the  real  name  and  true  history  of  Setton.  Be  that  as  it  may,  Draper  in 
one  of  his  early  note  books,  written  about  1840,  gives  the  following  facts 
regarding  the  man  who  passed  as  one  John  Setton  and  whose  identity,  it 
seems,  was  then  unknown  by  the  historian  himself.  He  states  that  John 
Setton  was  originally  from  North  Carolina  and,  while  traveling  along  the 
Natchez  Trace,  lingering  more  or  less  among  the  Indians,  he  fell  in  company 
with  a  young  man  named  Bass,  who  lived  in  Williamson  County,  Tennessee. 
Then,  in  the  words  of  Draper: 

"Bass  was  not  very  well  and  Setton,  very  friendly,  would  catch  Bass'  horse 
and  do  him  other  offices  of  kindness.  When  Bass  reached  his  father's  resi- 
dence he  invited  Setton  to  sojourn  a  time,  recruit  his  horse,  etc.  Setton  did 
so  and  courted  a  sister  of  young  Bass  and  married  her.  He  started  with 
his  new  wife  for  North  Carolina.  When  they  reached  the  North  Fork  of 
Holston,  in  Hawkins  County,  East  Tennessee,  Setton  gave  information  that 
his  wife's  horse  ran  away  and  her  feet  being  in  the  stirrups,  had  dragged 
and  killed  her.  This  is  the  story  he  told  negroes.  The  white  persons  being 
absent  from  home,  he  had  his  deceased  companion  buried  hurriedly.  He 
disposed  of  her  clothing  and  saddle  for  little  or  nothing  and  in  a  few  hours 
put  off  with  both  horses.     After  he  had  gone,  his  conduct  led  some  of  the 


222  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

Setton,  continuing  his  account,  swore  that  John  and 
Thomas  Mason  took  possession  of  all  his  belongings, 
and  encouraged  him  to  stay  by  promising  him  land  on 
to  which  he  could  later  move  his  family  and  by  giving 
him  a  contract  "to  go  after  Mother  Mason,"  who  ap- 
parently had  some  time  before  refused  to  live  any 
longer  with  her  outlaw  husband  and  sons.  Setton  de- 
clared that  from  the  very  day  he  met  the  Masons  they 
had  kept  him  like  a  prisoner.  The  promised  land  had 
never  materialized  and  the  trip  for  their  mother  was 
never  attempted,  but  he  was  obliged  to  linger  with  them 
because  he  found  no  opportunity  to  escape,  and  the 
Masons  never  allowed  him  more  than  two  rounds  of 
powder  at  a  time. 

He  asserted  that  since  he  had  been  with  the  Masons 
they  had  committed  no  crimes  in  his  presence.  They 
did  not  demand  that  he  steal  horses,  but  apparently 
expected  him  to  do  so.  A  number  of  horses  had  been 
brought  in  and  taken  away,  but  he  asked  no  questions 
and  as  he  heard  no  comments  made  regarding  them,  he 
had  no  idea  how  they  came  or  where  they  went.  He 
knew,  however,  that  there  was  an  agreement  between 
the  Masons  and  one  Burton,  of  Little  Bay  Prairie,  who 
bought  at  twenty  dollars  all  the  horses  the  Masons 
could  supply,  provided  the  animals  were  such  that  they 
could  be  sold  for  about  sixty  dollars. 

The  Masons  occasionally  left  home  "to  repair  a  chim- 
ney" and  if  they  remained  a  few  days  they  invariably 

people  thereabout  to  disinter  the  dead  body,  and  found  she  had  evidently 
been  killed  by  heavy  blows  on  the  head.  Setton  fled,  went  first  to  Louisiana, 
then  down  the  river,  enlisted  at  Fort  Pickering  at  the  Chickasaw  Bluffs 
(Memphis)  into  Captain  Richard  Sparks'  company.  By  his  conduct  he  was 
soon  made  a  sergeant.  He  was  in  the  habit  of  going  out  hunting.  One  day 
he  borrowed  Captain  Sparks'  elegant  rifle,  took  a  canoe  and  some  provisions 
and  started  on  a  several  days  hunt  down  the  Mississippi.  Setton  steered  up 
the  Arkansas  and  then  joined  Mason."  [12H] 


Trapped  and  Tried  223 

accounted  for  their  prolonged  absence  by  saying  they 
"could  not  cross  the  water,"  "lost  their  repairing  tools," 
"were  hindered  by  bad  weather,"  or  "visited  friends," 
but  in  no  instance  had  they  given  the  name  of  the  friend 
they  claimed  to  have  seen. 

Setton  related  that  when  he  and  the  Masons  were  in 
Nogales,  at  the  residence  of  Charles  Colin,  a  Mr.  Koi- 
ret,  an  American  citizen,  chanced  to  stop  in  the  house. 
Koiret  impressed  the  Masons  as  a  prospective  victim, 
and  he  (Setton)  being  permitted  to  chat  freely  with 
Koiret,  soon  proved  himself  "an  interesting  conversa- 
tionalist." But  when  Koiret  incidentally  remarked  that 
he  was  simply  passing  by  on  his  way  looking  for  out- 
laws who  had  committed  crimes  along  the  Natchez 
Trace  and  the  Mississippi  River,  John  Mason,  on  a 
pretext,  lured  him  (Setton)  away  from  the  officer,  and, 
in  the  meantime,  other  Masons  tactfully  managed  to 
"speed  the  parting  guest."  Turning  a  corner  of  the 
house,  he  (Setton)  unexpectedly  ran  into  Samuel  Ma- 
son, who,  with  drawn  dagger,  commanded  "silence." 
John  Mason  seized  him  and  the  father  and  son  imme- 
diately gagged  him,  bound  his  hands  and  feet,  and 
dragged  him  into  the  house  where  they  held  him  down 
on  the  floor  for  about  three  hours.  Feeling  that  Koiret 
had  got  far  beyond  hearing  distance,  they  ungagged 
and  untied  him,  but  continued  to  guard  him  closely 
until  the  next  day. 

Setton  swore  that  shortly  after  he  had  received  this 
brutal  treatment  Samuel  Mason  prepared  a  written 
statement  in  which  he,  under  the  assumed  name  of  John 
Taylor,  made  a  declaration  that  he,  Phillips,  Fulsom, 
Gibson,  Wiguens,  Bassett,  and  others  were  implicated 
in  one  or  more  of  three  robberies  -  the  Baker,  the  Ows- 
ley, and  the  Campbell  and  Glass  robberies  -  and  in  it 


224  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

further  declared  that  the  Masons  were  in  no  way  con- 
nected with  any  of  these  depredations. 

After  the  statement  had  been  prepared  the  Masons 
explained  to  him  that  they  were  going  to  conduct  him 
to  a  justice  of  the  peace  and  they  furthermore  convinced 
him  that  should  he  fail  to  swear  to  this  written  confes- 
sion and  declaration  of  the  three  robberies,  they  would 
kill  him  before  he  had  a  chance  to  inform  the  officers 
that  the  statements  were  false  and  not  his  own.  He 
related  how  John  and  Thomas  Mason,  armed  with 
guns,  and  Samuel  Mason,  who  bore  no  weapon  at  all, 
forced  him  to  the  residence  of  William  Downs,  a  justice 
living  below  Vicksburg,  and  that,  with  seeming  calm- 
ness, he  went  through  the  form  required  by  the  law  and 
the  outlaws.  He  realized  that  while  he  and  Samuel 
Mason  were  in  the  house,  the  two  sons  were  outside  in 
hiding,  prepared  to  shoot  him  should  the  prearranged 
signal  be  given. 

The  first  of  the  three  robberies  detailed  in  the  false 
affidavit,  continued  Setton,  was  the  robbery  of  Baker 
on  the  Natchez  Trace,  from  whom  the  Masons  took 
"twenty-five  hundred  piasters  in  gold,  silver  and  bank- 
notes." For  this  John  Mason  had  been  imprisoned, 
but  by  the  aid  of  his  brother  Thomas  and  others,  made 
his  escape.  The  object  of  the  confession  was  to  show 
that  he  (as  John  Taylor)  and  others  were  the  guilty 
men  and  that  Mason  was  absolutely  innocent  of  the 
crime.  Notwithstanding  his  purported  statement,  he 
could  prove  an  alibi,  for  ten  days  before  the  robbery 
took  place,  he  had  been  committed  to  the  Arkansas 
prison.  He  suspected  that  part  of  the  money  found 
on  the  Masons  by  the  officials  who  arrested  them  was 
a  part  of  the  booty  obtained  in  the  Baker  robbery.  The 
explanation  that  the  money  they  had  was  found  "in  a 


Trapped  and  Tried  225 

bag  hanging  on  a  bush  near  the  road"  was  suggested  by 
Samuel  Mason  a  few  hours  before  the  arrest,  saying 
at  the  time,  "accounting  for  it  in  that  way  won't  do  any 
harm." 

"The  second  crime,"  resumed  Setton,  "was  the  one 
committed  on  the  Mississippi  at  the  crossing  of  the 
Chaquetaws  below  the  river  Ares,"  where  the  Masons 
robbed  a  merchant  boat  belonging  to  Owsley.  The 
Masons  tried  to  show  that  he  and  Phillips  took  the  lead 
in  this  affair.  He  swore  he  was  not  connected  with  the 
robbery  and  stated  that  he  understood  Phillips  had 
done  nothing  more  than  purchase  two  guns  from  the 
boatman  and  was  in  no  way  involved  with  the  men  who 
later  bought  all  the  guns  that  were  on  the  boat,  and, 
with  the  newly  purchased  guns  attacked  the  boat  and 
robbed  it. 

The  third  robbery  Mason  wished  to  throw  upon  the 
shoulders  of  Phillips  and  others  by  inserting  it  in  the 
false  affidavit,  was  the  one  that  occurred  on  "the  road 
from  Kentucky  to  Natchez,"  in  which  Campbell  and 
Glass  were  deprived  of  several  horses,  saddles,  and 
some  money.  Near  the  site  of  this  robbery  there  later 
was  discovered  a  sign  on  a  tree,  reading  "Done  by  Ma- 
son of  the  Woods."  The  Commandant  asked  Setton 
whether  or  not  he  thought  Mason  was  guilty  of  this 
hold-up  and  he  answered  that  he  did  not  know  but,  in 
his  opinion,  the  stratagem  fitted  Mason,  who,  if  guilty, 
could  cite  it  as  an  instance  of  the  "workings  of  his  ene- 
mies" and  would  be  prepared  to  prove  "that  he  was  else- 
where when  the  robbery  occurred."  Anthony  Glass,  the 
witness  thought,  was  a  party  to  the  deception,  for  he  had 
been  a  poor  man  in  Nogales  until  he  came  in  contact 
with  the  Masons. 

On  one  occasion  Mason  proposed  to  Setton  that  they 


226  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

capture  a  certain  store  boat,  drown  the  owner,  rob  the 
boat,  and  then  sell  the  goods  to  Glass,  who  would  pay 
cash  for  half  its  actual  value  and  never  betray  them. 
He  asserted  that  he  refused  to  participate  in  the  pro- 
posed venture,  but  he  suspected  that  the  program  was 
carried  out  during  one  of  the  "chimney  repairing"  trips 
and  that  some  of  the  booty  could  be  located  by  Glass. 

He  also  declared  that  the  pistol  the  Masons  showed 
Downs  and  claimed  to  be  Setton's  had  never  belonged 
to  him.  It  was  one  the  Masons  had  taken  during  the 
Baker  robbery  and  had  originally  belonged  to  Sheriff 
William  Nicholson,  whose  initials  had  been  inlaid  with 
silver  thread  in  the  handle  but  had  been  removed  by 
the  Masons,  who  were  not  aware  that  he  (Setton)  saw 
them  make  the  change.  This  very  pistol,  he  said,  was 
now  among  the  goods  the  officials  had  taken  possession 
of  and  was  the  same  one  that  Samuel  Mason  carried  to 
Downs,  expecting  to  use  it  as  evidence  against  him 
when  the  case  came  to  trial. 

Setton  explained  that  two  of  the  saddle  bags  now  in 
possession  of  the  Masons  were  originally  tan  "and  had 
large  tacks  fastened  at  their  corners"  and  that  the  tacks 
were  broken  off  by  Samuel  Mason  and  the  leather 
dyed  black.  He  also  stated  that  the  original  color  of 
the  trunk  they  had  was  red  and  had  been  blackened  in 
his  presence  by  Thomas  and  John  Mason. 

Setton,  in  his  comments  on  the  Mason  family,  re- 
marked that  every  member  treated  him  equally  bad, 
except  Thomas,  who  at  times  seemed  somewhat  human. 
From  the  conversations  of  the  Masons  he  inferred  that 
"the  father  had  been  a  thief  and  a  rascal  for  more  than 
forty  years."  On  one  occasion,  Samuel  Mason,  "after 
taking  three  measures,"  boasted  to  him  that  he  was  "one 
of  the  boldest  soldiers  in  the  Revolutionary  War"  and 


Trapped  and  Tried  227 

that  "there  was  no  greater  robber  and  no  better  cap- 
turer  of  negroes  and  horses  than  himself." 

On  another  occasion,  after  he  began  to  feel  his  liquor, 
he  pointed  with  pride  to  the  fact  that  he  had  two  part- 
ners, Barret  and  Brown,  who  did  some  killing  as  a  side 
line  and  always  shared  the  spoils  with  him  in  consider- 
ation of  the  advice  and  powder  he  furnished  them. 
Setton  also  stated  that  Mason  had  related  to  him  that 
when  Mason's  eldest  daughter  was  married,  he  had 
arranged  with  Barret,  Brown,  and  others  to  steal  as 
many  of  the  horses  of  the  guests  as  they  could  while  the 
guests  were  feasting  at  the  bridal  celebration,  and  that 
when  the  discovery  of  the  theft  became  known,  no  man 
displayed  more  eagerness  to  pursue  the  horse  thieves 
than  Samuel  Mason  himself.  A  few  days  later  some 
of  the  men  who  had  taken  the  horses  were  captured  and 
accused  Mason  of  being  the  promoter  of  the  theft,  but 
because  of  the  absurdity  of  the  accusation  Mason  expe- 
rienced no  difficulty  in  proving  his  "innocence." 

In  his  comments  on  John  Mason's  wife,  Setton  said 
more  than  once  she  pretended  to  be  sick  and  requested 
her  husband  to  send  for  Dr.  Wales,  whom  she  knew 
well,  but  it  was  his  opinion  that  the  woman  simply 
wished  "to  chat  with  the  physician"  and  also  "to  force 
the  family  cooking  upon  some  one  else." 

Setton  cited  another  instance  of  Mrs.  John  Mason's 
nature.  He  related  that  one  day  in  his  presence  and 
in  the  presence  of  two  or  three  of  the  Masons,  Barret, 
who  had  lately  shown  signs  of  being  dissatisfied  with 
the  treatment  he  received,  declared  he  would  denounce 
the  whole  family.  Mrs.  Mason,  hearing  this,  immedi- 
ately jumped  up  in  a  rage,  knocked  Barret's  hat  off  his 
head  and  shouted :  "Monster,  you  are  not  going  to  de- 
nounce me  or  any  of  us!"    She  was  about  to  plunge  a 


228  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

long  knife  into  Barret's  heart,  when  Thomas  interfered, 
saying:  "It  is  better  to  part  as  friends  than  to  part  after 
a  fight,"  and  peace  was  restored. 

After  Setton's  testimony  had  been  heard,  the  Com- 
mandant on  the  following  day,  January  20,  ordered 
Samuel  Mason  to  appear  again.  Mason  admitted  that 
he  had,  in  a  way,  detained  Setton,  but  did  so  in  justice 
to  himself  and  his  sons.  The  Owsley  boat,  he  swore  in 
his  explanation,  had  been  robbed  in  April,  1802,  and 
immediately  thereafter  the  rumor  had  become  current 
that  the  Masons  were  the  guilty  men.  Mason  declared 
that  Owsley  did  not  know  by  whom  he  and  his  five  boat- 
men had  been  robbed,  but  in  recounting  the  affair  Ows- 
ley referred  to  two  incidents  which  in  themselves  were 
sufficient  to  distinguish  this  robbery  from  any  other. 
The  first  was  that  after  the  boat  had  been  plundered, 
one  of  the  three  robbers  returned  five  dollars  to  one  of 
Owsley's  boatmen  who  had  been  seriously  wounded 
during  the  short  battle  that  took  place  before  the  boat 
was  captured.  The  other  incident  was  that  after  the 
robbery  the  outlaws  placed  a  sign  on  a  tree,  reading, 
"Done  by  Samuel  Mason  of  the  Woods."  John  and 
Thomas  had  heard  this  account  a  number  of  times  and 
every  version  had  it  that  Samuel  Mason  was  accused 
of  the  work. 

When  his  two  sons  first  met  Setton  and  Wiguens,  who 
were  strangers  to  them,  Setton  told  them  the  details  of 
the  Owsley  robbery,  including  these  two  incidents,  and 
a  few  hours  later,  after  the  brothers  had  made  a  more 
favorable  impression,  Setton  confided  in  them,  saying 
he  and  Wiguens  and  also  Gibson  were  among  the  per- 
petrators of  the  robbery.  John  and  Thomas  Mason, 
then  recognizing  in  the  two  men  the  outlaws  who  had 
committed  at  least  one  of  the  robberies  of  which  their 


Trapped  and  Tried  229 

father  was  being  accused,  decided  to  entice  Setton  and 
Wiguens  to  join  them  and  in  the  meantime  seek  an  op- 
portunity to  force  them  into  a  public  declaration  of 
their  guilt  and  thus  vindicate  the  Mason  family.  They 
succeeded  in  detaining  Setton,  admitted  Samuel  Ma- 
son, but  Wiguens  escaped. 

Samuel  Mason,  in  his  comments  on  the  Baker  boat 
robbery,  stated  that  a  few  days  after  the  boat  had  been 
pillaged,  Colonel  Baker  and  a  number  of  other  men 
came  to  the  Mason  home  near  Natchez.  The  moment 
Baker  saw  John  he  ordered  his  arrest,  saying,  "I  could 
pick  him  out  of  a  thousand."  The  father  proceeded  to 
explain  to  the  Commandant  that  Baker's  mistake  could 
be  easily  explained,  as  John  Mason  and  Wiguens  re- 
sembled each  other  very  much,  and  added  that  shortly 
after  Wiguens  and  Setton  first  met  his  two  sons,  Wigu- 
ens told  John  confidentially  that  he,  Setton,  Bassett, 
Gibson,  Fulsom,  Phillips,  and  others  were  in  the  Baker 
robbery. 

Going  into  details,  Mason  explained  that,  according 
to  Setton's  version,  Bassett,  Fulsom  and  Phillips  were 
the  men  who  bought  for  cash  all  the  guns  Baker  had  on 
hand  and  left  the  boatmen  under  the  impression  that 
these  arms  were  to  be  used  in  a  search  for  the  Mason 
gang.  Setton  then  told  him  confidentially  that  he  and 
the  other  members  of  their  band,  by  prearrangement, 
appeared  shortly  thereafter  and  robbed  Baker  of  all  his 
money  and  as  much  of  the  goods  as  they  could  carry. 
Fulsom,  in  order  to  inspire  courage  in  the  raiders, 
assured  them  they  need  not  fear  any  pursuing  party 
which  Baker  might  organize,  for  he  (Fulsom)  could  on 
very  short  notice,  muster  and  command  five  hundred 
Chacquetaw  Indians  who  would  easily  annihilate  the 
revenge-seeking  Baker.     Setton,  in  concluding  his  ac- 


230  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

count  to  the  Masons,  laughingly  remarked  that  it  was 
strange  that  two  men  looking  so  much  alike  should  be 
"involved"  in  the  same  robbery,  and  that  the  guilty  man 
should  not  be  suspected  and  the  innocent  one  be  accused. 
Shortly  after  this  Wiguens  suddenly  disappeared,  very 
much  to  the  disappointment  of  the  Masons,  who  now 
realized  the  necessity  of  guarding  Setton  more  closely. 

Samuel  Mason  (digressing  to  another  Baker  rob- 
bery) asserted  that  after  Baker  had  been  robbed  on  the 
Natchez  Trace,  Baker  and  the  officers  came  to  arrest 
John.  John  submitted  immediately,  feeling  confident 
that  his  innocence  would  be  speedily  proven.  He  could 
have  vindicated  himself  had  not  some  of  Bassett's 
friends  refused  to  declare  that  they  saw  John  many 
miles  from  the  scene  of  the  robbery  when  it  occurred. 
After  he  had  been  in  prison  about  two  months  "he  was 
liberated  by  men  who  did  not  make  themselves  known 
to  him." 

The  Baker  highway  robbery  having  taken  place  on 
the  American  side  and  the  Owsley  robbery  on  the 
Spanish  side,  John,  fearing  he  would  be  arrested  on 
either  side  of  the  river,  took  his  family  and  hid  in  the 
woods  for  a  number  of  weeks.  He  hoped  that  in  the 
meantime  his  innocence  would  become  established  by 
the  guilty  parties  being  brought  to  justice.  But,  in- 
stead, suspicion  against  him  and  against  the  entire 
Mason  family  grew  stronger  day  by  day. 

Samuel  Mason  admitted  that  he  had  brought  John 
Setton  before  a  magistrate.  He  further  stated  that  a 
number  of  things  found  in  their  possession  the  day  of 
the  arrest  in  Little  Prairie  were  taken  by  them  from 
Setton  and  held  as  evidence  of  his  connection  with  some 
of  the  robberies  of  which  the  Masons  were  accused. 

He  asserted  that  after  he  had  urgently  requested  Set- 


Trapped  and  Tried  231 

ton  to  declare  his  (Setton's)  crime  before  a  magistrate, 
and  thus,  perhaps,  receive  clemency,  "he  consented  to 
do  so."  He  and  Setton  then  went  "about  twelve  miles 
below  Nogales"  to  the  office  of  William  Downs,  a  mag- 
istrate. Mason  carried  with  him  a  pistol  Setton  told 
him  he  had  procured  as  a  part  of  his  booty  from  the 
raid  on  the  Owsley  boat.  William  Downs  "received 
Setton's  confession  but  was  not  able  to  take  his  oath,  as 
he  had  no  sheriff  on  guard  with  him."  Mason  then, 
without  informing  Setton,  went  in  search  of  Anthony 
Glass,  who,  it  was  rumored,  was  part  owner  of  the 
Owsley  boat,  to  have  him  serve  as  a  witness  to  the 
affidavit.  Mrs.  Glass  implored  her  husband  not  to  act, 
for  she  feared  his  doing  so  might  lead  to  the  exposure 
of  her  brother,  one  Bassett,  who  had  participated  in 
various  robberies.  Glass,  however,  pacified  his  wife  by 
telling  her  that  since  Setton  was  a  deserter  any  sworn 
statement  he  might  make  would  necessarily  be  ignored, 
and  then  insisted  that  he  would  go  to  Downs  and  there 
denounce  Setton  as  a  deserter  and  have  him  placed  in 
the  hands  of  the  military  authorities. 

When  the  two  men  arrived  at  the  magistrate's  house 
"they  discovered  that  Setton,  suspecting  some  trickery, 
had  left."  A  few  weeks  later,  Mason  swore,  Setton 
again  joined  the  Masons  and  had  been  with  them  ever 
since.  After  finishing  his  testimony  Mason  suggested 
that  "If  Setton  told  the  truth  in  the  testimony  he  gave  in 
this  trial,  our  statements  must  agree." 

The  next  morning,  January  21,  John  Mason  ap- 
peared before  the  Commandant.  The  prisoner  evi- 
dently did  not  know  the  contents  of  his  father's  and 
Setton's  testimony,  but  he  undoubtedly  had  some  idea 
of  how  his  father  intended  to  answer  many  questions 
should  they  be  asked.     Most  of  his  testimony  agreed, 


232  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

in  the  main,  with  his  father's.  He  tried  to  show  the 
Commandant  that  he  had  long  attempted  to  "vindicate" 
and  "establish"  himself  and  to  live  "a  decent  life."  He 
said  he  had  escaped  from  prison  because  he  realized 
that  the  defense  of  his  name  required  his  personal  atten- 
tion. He  swore  that  practically  all  he  knew  about  the 
various  robberies  regarding  which  he  was  questioned, 
was  through  reports  he  had  heard  from  John  Setton, 
alias  John  Taylor  alias  Wells,  and  from  Druck  Smith, 
alias  Smith  Gibson.  He  insisted  he  had  never  seen 
Phillips,  Fulsom,  and  the  other  Gibson  referred  to. 

The  question  of  how  the  Masons  came  into  possession 
of  the  eight  horses  had  not  been  asked  before.  John 
Mason  accounted  for  each  by  giving  the  details  of  a 
purchase  or  trade.  He  was  asked  why  "he  pursued  the 
two  Frenchmen  in  a  boat  until  they  had  reached  a  safe 
harbor."  His  explanation  was  that  he,  Thomas,  and 
Setton  were  on  the  river  and  followed  these  men,  sus- 
pecting them  to  be  robbers  involved  in  some  of  the 
acts  of  which  the  Masons  were  accused.  He  hoped  that 
if  they  were  he  would  succeed  in  having  them  verify 
Setton's  declaration  of  his  own  guilt.  When  the  two 
men  reached  Nogales  his  boat  was  on  the  point  of  over- 
taking them.  He  then  discovered  that  they  were  French 
officials  and  the  pursuit  was  dropped  without  giving  the 
men  any  reasons  for  the  chase. 

He  swore  that  most  of  the  notes  and  paper  money 
found  in  their  possession  belonged  to  Setton,  who 
claimed  he  had  "found  it  in  a  bag  hanging  on  a  bush 
near  the  road,"  and  who  on  one  occasion  remarked 
that  since  then  he  had  more  money  than  he  could  use. 
John  Mason  added  that  this  statement  convinced  him 
that  Setton  had  stolen  the  money. 

The  record  of  this  sworn  statement  made  by  John 


Trapped  and  Tried  233 

Mason  is  abruptly  followed  by  "And  the  prisoner  being 
asked  by  the  interpreter  whether  he  had  anything  fur- 
ther to  say  or  anything  to  unsay,  he  answered  'No/  but 
requested,  as  his  father  had  done  before  him,  that  we  do 
not  hand  him  over  to  the  United  States  Government, 
and  after  his  declaration  was  read  to  him,  he  persisted 
that  it  was  true." 

Thomas  Mason  followed  his  brother  John  and,  like 
him,  gave  evidence  that  agreed,  in  the  main,  with  his 
father's.  He  swore  his  occupation  was  "farming  and 
harvesting"  and  "bringing  down  flour  and  whiskey"  in 
boats.  He  admitted  that  he  had  heard  of  the  Baker  and 
Owsley  robberies  but  claimed  he  knew  none  of  the  de- 
tails except  those  told  to  him  by  Setton,  and  these  he 
repeated. 

When  he  was  asked  about  Setton's  appearance  before 
the  magistrate,  he  answered  that  he  had  accompanied 
him  to  Downs'  but  did  not  force  him  to  make  an  affi- 
davit. He  added  that  John  Mason  had  received  a  mes- 
sage from  the  Governor  of  Natchez  to  the  effect  that  if 
he  produced  a  witness  who  would  turn  state's  evidence 
it  would  "tend  to  clear  him  of  his  guilt;"  hence,  their 
anxiety  to  have  Setton  make  a  declaration. 

After  hearing  Thomas  Mason's  version  of  the  sub- 
jects that  had  been  discussed  by  the  preceding  witnesses, 
the  Commandant,  who  evidently  had  been  informed 
that  day  that  the  Masons  had  also  maneuvered  further 
north,  asked  him  whether  or  not  he  knew  a  man  named 
Mosique  and  the  two  Duff  brothers  while  in  Illinois. 
He  answered  he  had  heard  of  them  and  understood  that 
one  of  the  brothers  had  been  killed  by  Indians.  His 
answers  to  other  questions  were  to  the  effect  that  he 
knew  nothing  of  the  robbing  of  a  negro  in  St.  Louis,  of 
a  man  named  Lecompte,  and  of  a  stolen  negro  woman 


234  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

who  had  been  sold  to  a  priest  named  Manuel.  The  of- 
ficer then  asked  him  whether  or  not  he  was  aware  that 
the  Masons  were  accused  of  these  crimes,  "but  the  wit- 
ness continued  to  profess  he  had  never  heard  of  them." 

The  fifth  prisoner  was  Marguerite  Douglas,  wife  of 
John  Mason.  She  swore  she  had  been  married  eight 
years.  She  answered  that  to  her  "keen  regret"  she  had 
heard  of  the  robberies  of  which  her  husband  and  the 
other  Masons  were  "so  falsely  accused."  Her  knowl- 
edge of  these  acts,  she  swore,  was  based  solely  on  hear- 
say. Among  other  things,  she  said  Setton  told  her  that 
robbing  the  Baker  boat  proved  as  easy  "as  robbing  some 
old  woman."  She  also  swore  she  knew  nothing  about 
the  paper  money  found  in  their  possession  and  could  not 
account  for  the  money  and  goods  discovered  among  her 
personal  belongings  other  than  by  suggesting  that  in 
packing  up  so  hurriedly  she  may  have  placed  some  of 
Setton's  personal  property  in  her  bag. 

Samuel  Mason  Jr.,  in  his  testimony  stated  that  he 
was  eighteen  years  old  and  that  he  had  lived  with  his 
parents  all  the  time  until  about  three  months  previous. 
He  said  his  father  and  brothers  had  left  his  mother  at 
Bayou  Pierre  -  between  Natchez  and  Vicksburg-and 
were  away  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  a  new  home, 
and  that  she  was  now  ill  and  living  with  her  daughter, 
Mrs.  Philip  Briscoe.  The  Commandant  remarked  to 
him:  "You  ought  to  speak  the  truth  for  you  have  a 
mother,  who,  it  is  reported,  is  a  good  and  honorable 
woman,  and  you  ought  not  to  be  mixed  up  in  the  wick- 
edness of  your  father  and  brothers,  who,  it  is  said,  are 
guilty  of  many  thefts  and  robberies."  The  answers  he 
gave  to  the  few  questions  asked  him  agreed  with  those 
given  by  his  father. 

Magnus  Mason,  the  last  of  the  prisoners,  was  called 


Trapped  and  Tried  235 

upon  January  24.  He  stated  he  was  about  sixteen  years 
old  and  was  born  "in  Kentucky  on  the  south  side  of 
Green  River."  (The  others  had  claimed  Pennsylvania 
as  their  native  state.)  In  answer  to  questions  he  stated 
that  he  had  lived  "part  of  his  time  with  his  father  in 
Kentucky  and  part  with  his  mother  in  Bayou  Pierre 
near  Natchez."  He  declared  his  father  had  spent  prac- 
tically all  of  the  past  two  years  away  from  home  trying 
"to  discover  men  who  were  committing  the  robber- 
ies." 28 

The  next  witness  was  Dr.  Richard  Jones  Waters,  the 
man  on  whose  recommendation  the  passport  had  been 
granted  to  Samuel  Mason.  Dr.  Waters  said  he  first 
met  Mason  in  1791  or  1792  at  "Red  Banks  on  the 
Ohio,"  (now  Henderson,  Kentucky)  which  was  after 
he  (Dr.  Waters)  had  settled  in  New  Madrid.  He  had 
been  traveling  in  America  and  on  his  return,  coming 
to  the  Ohio  River,  engaged  Charles  Lafond,  a  mer- 
chant, and  two  other  men  who  were  on  their  way  tc 
New  Orleans,  to  take  him  down  as  far  as  New  Madrid. 
When  the  boat  reached  the  Falls  of  the  Ohio  (Louis- 
ville) Lafond,  hearing  that  he  intended  to  remain  there 
a  few  days,  asked  permission  to  let  the  boat  proceed  to 
Red  Banks,  where  Lafond  expected  to  dispose  of  some 
of  the  goods  on  board.  The  permission  was  granted 
on  condition  that  Lafond,  without  fail,  wait  for  him 
there.  In  due  time  he  (Dr.  Waters)  reached  Red 
Banks  and  then  met  Samuel  Mason  for  the  first  time. 
Mason  claimed  that  Lafond  had  gone  fishing  a  few 
days  before  and,  in  the  meantime,  started  his  boat  south. 
He  (Dr.  Waters)  did  not  know  whether  or  not  Lafond 
and  his  boat  ever  reached  New  Orleans,  and  not  until 
recently,  had  he  suspected  foul  play. 

28  Nothing  in  the  records  indicates  whether  or  not  the  officials  recognized 
the  connection  in  the  testimony  given  by  the  Masons  and  Setton. 


236  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

A  year  after  this,  continued  Dr.  Waters,  he  was  trav- 
eling down  the  Ohio  River,  stopped  at  Red  Banks  and, 
to  his  surprise,  met  Samuel  Mason  again.  Mason 
asked  him  to  come  to  the  house  to  prescribe  for  Mrs. 
Mason  who  was  sick  in  bed.  The  doctor  complied  and 
the  result  was  a  trade  in  which  Mason  bought  seventy 
dollars  worth  of  medicine  and  merchandise,  paying 
forty  dollars  in  meat  and  giving  him  a  demand  note  for 
thirty  dollars  on  Felic  Concer,  of  New  Madrid.  But 
when  he  arrived  at  New  Madrid  he  learned  that  Con- 
cer had  left  for  parts  unknown.  In  1798,  however, 
Mason  paid  the  note.  He  then  saw  nothing  more  of 
Mason  until  March,  1800,  when  he  met  him  and  his 
son  Thomas  and  a  man  by  the  name  of  Smith  who  said 
they  had  come  to  New  Madrid  for  drugs.  They  pur- 
chased some  medicine  from  him  for  Mrs.  John  Mason 
and  other  members  of  the  family  and  paid  for  it  with 
merchandise  which  they  claimed  they  had  bought  from 
a  store  boat.  A  few  days  later  Samuel  Mason  called 
again,  not  to  buy  medicine  but  to  ask  his  assistance  in 
procuring  a  passport  for  land  on  Spanish  territory. 
This  he  was,  at  first,  unwilling  to  give,  for,  although 
he  knew  nothing  unfavorable  concerning  the  family, 
he  was  not  assured  of  their  character.  After  the  old 
man  had  pleaded  with  him  and  declared  that  although 
rumor  had  done  all  the  Masons  great  injustice  he 
would  never  regret  the  endorsement  of  his  character,  he 
procured  a  passport,  giving  to  the  clerk  at  the  time  a 
history  of  his  acquaintance  with  Mason.  A  few  days 
afterward  Thomas  Mason  informed  him  that  he  was 
obliged  to  go  to  Kentucky  to  straighten  out  some  bus- 
iness affairs  before  he  settled  on  the  land  that  would  be 
granted  them.  He  entrusted  Thomas  Mason  with 
"some  valuable  papers  for  delivery  at  the  Falls  of  the 


Trapped  and  Tried  237 

Ohio."  These  papers  reached  their  destination  but 
much  later  than  Thomas  had  promised.  No  explana- 
tion of  the  delay  was  offered  or  demanded. 

The  record  of  the  proceedings  shows  that  January 
26  was  devoted  by  the  officials  to  inspecting  the  be- 
longings of  the  Masons  and  approximating  their  value. 
The  saddles  and  pistols  referred  to  by  Setton  were 
found  as  described  by  him.  There  was  also  discovered 
some  "twenty  twists  of  human  hair  of  different  shades 
which  do  not  seem  to  have  been  cut  off  voluntarily  by 
those  to  whom  the  hair  belonged."  These  and  a  num- 
ber of  other  evidences  were  laid  aside  by  the  inspectors. 
The  belongings  were  estimated  at  about  six  hundred 
dollars  in  value.  The  silver  and  paper  money  amount- 
ed to  seven  thousand  dollars,  much  of  which,  however, 
"appears  to  be  counterfeit." 

The  next  day  Francois  Derousser,  a  citizen  of  New 
Madrid,  came  forward,  stating  that  he  had  an  import- 
ant declaration  to  make  concerning  the  prisoners.  He 
explained  that  he  was  a  native  of  Illinois  and  that  in 
1791,  when  he  and  his  family  were  coming  down  the 
Ohio  River  and  had  reached  a  point  near  Red  Banks, 
where  they  happened  to  make  a  landing,  a  man -the 
one  he  now  recognized  among  the  prisoners  as  Samuel 
Mason -stepped  up  to  him  and,  pushing  a  gun  against 
his  stomach,  threatened  to  shoot  him  if  he  did  not  fol- 
low. He  was  led  into  a  hut,  where  several  persons 
were  sitting.  Immediately  after  entering,  Samuel 
Mason  shouted :  "This  is  the  man  who  stole  my  horses 
and  slaves  and  sold  them  to  the  Indians,"  and,  looking 
around  for  a  rope,  Mason  seemed  to  be  making  prep- 
arations to  hang  him  at  once.  He  finally  convinced 
Mason  that  he  could  not  possibly  have  been  guilty  of 
the  thefts. 


238  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

After  keeping  him  in  chains  all  night,  continued 
Derousser,  Mason  permitted  him  to  leave,  but  while 
he  was  making  some  repairs  on  his  boat  to  resume  his 
trip,  Mason  came  to  him  and  persuaded  him  to  remain 
two  months  and  work  with  the  Mason  boys.  Mason 
promised  him  a  certain  quantity  of  linen,  calico,  and 
bed  covers  for  his  services  and,  needing  these  badly  for 
his  family,  he  accepted  the  proposition.  At  the  end  of 
the  specified  time  the  promised  goods  were  given  to 
him;  but  three  hours  after  he  had  received  them  and 
while  on  his  way  to  his  boat,  Samuel  Mason  and  a  Cap- 
tain Bradley  overtook  him  and  robbed  him  of  all  the 
goods.  That  night  he  managed  to  return  to  his  boat 
and  with  the  aid  of  Eustache  Peltier  succeeded  in  cut- 
ting the  ice  from  around  it.  He  started  down  the  river, 
and  after  much  suffering  from  cold  and  hunger  he  and 
his  family  finally  landed  at  New  Madrid,  where  they 
had  lived  ever  since. 

Eustache  Peltier  appeared  before  the  Commandant, 
confirmed  the  declaration  made  by  Derousser,  and 
added  that  he  had  heard  that  a  certain  Lafond,  "an 
European  merchant  with  an  emporium  of  goods  in 
New  Orleans,"  had  stopped  at  the  Mason's  house  near 
Red  Banks  one  night  about  the  time  he  and  Derousser 
made  their  escape,  but  neither  the  merchant  nor  the 
boat  in  which  he  traveled  had  been  heard  from  since. 

Pierre  Billeth,  another  citizen  of  New  Madrid,  de- 
clared that  he  knew  some  facts  bearing  on  the  Masons 
and  felt  it  his  duty  to  report  them.  He  related  to  the 
Commandant  that  during  an  excursion  in  August,  1798, 
on  the  Cumberland  River,  near  the  mouth,  he  heard  a 
negro  woman  belonging  to  Samuel  Mason  tell  Rees 
Jones  and  James  Downs  that  her  master  had  forced  her 
to  help  dispose  of  the  body  of  one  of  his  victims.     She 


Trapped  and  Tried  239 

declared  that  Mason  after  stabbing  and  robbing  the 
man  had  commanded  her  to  help  tie  a  rope  around  his 
neck  and  drag  the  body  to  the  Ohio,  where  they  threw 
it  in  to  the  water.  This  same  woman  had  been  stolen 
by  Mason  and  later  sold  at  public  auction  by  Sheriff 
James  Downs,  then  of  Kaskaskia,  to  Father  Manuel,  a 
priest,  who  lived  near  St.  Genevieve. 

All  the  witnesses  having  been  examined,  and  the 
declarations  and  proclamations  heard,  the  Command- 
ant January  29,  1803,  ordered  an  itemized  account  of 
the  cost  of  the  trial,  including  the  expenses  incurred  in 
making  the  arrest  at  Little  Prairie.  The  account  ren- 
dered shows  that  the  largest  single  item  was  for  "the 
sergeant  and  nineteen  militiamen  for  seventeen  days' 
guard  and  sentinel  watch  of  prisoners,  at  one  piaster 
per  day,  three  hundred  and  forty  piasters."  Twenty- 
two  men,  besides  the  officers,  were  employed  in  making 
the  arrest  and  bringing  the  prisoners  to  New  Madrid, 
for  which  they  received  one  hundred  and  seventy-six 
piasters.  Another  item  reads,  "irons  and  cuffs  made 
for  prisoners,  eight  piasters."  The  total  expense  is 
given  as  one  thousand  fifty-three  piasters,  or  about 
one  thousand  dollars. 

The  last  entry  is  dated  January  31,  1803,  and,  like  all 
the  others,  is  presented  in  monotonous  legal  phraseol- 
ogy. It  ends  with  the  statement  that:  "We  [the  Com- 
mandant] hereby  direct  that  the  proceedings  of  this 
trial,  originally  set  down  in  writing  on  ninety-one  sheets 
of  paper  written  on  both  sides,  as  well  as  the  pieces  of 
evidence  tending  to  conviction,  together  with  seven 
thousand  piasters  in  U.  S.  banknotes,  be  forwarded  to 
the  Honorable  Governor  General  by  Don  Robert  Mc- 
Coy, Captain  of  the  Militia,  whom  we  have  charged  to 
conduct  the  prisoners,   Mason  and  consorts,  to  New 


240  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

Orleans  with  the  view  of  their  trial  being  continued 
and  finished,  if  it  so  please  the  Honorable  Governor 
General." 

And  here  ends  the  record  of  the  preliminary  trial  of 
the  Masons.  Captain  McCoy,  having  been  appointed 
to  conduct  the  prisoners  to  a  higher  court,  made  his 
preparations  and  in  due  time  started  for  New  Orleans. 


Mason  and  Harpe- Double-Cross  and 
Double  Death 

Out  of  the  mass  of  perjury  and  counter-accusations 
brought  out  at  this  examination  only  one  thing  was 
clear- that  is  that  Mason  and  his  gang,  as  far  as  testi- 
mony and  confession  went,  were  not  guilty  of  any  crime 
on  the  Spanish  side  of  the  Mississippi.  Whatever 
crimes  they  may  have  committed  it  was  essential  to  their 
present  safety  to  locate  them  on  the  American  or  eastern 
side  of  the  river.  The  Spanish  authorities  had  no 
power  to  punish  them  for  violations  of  law  on  Ameri- 
can territory,  but  the  Spanish  Intendant  Salcedo  at 
New  Orleans  had  the  power  under  the  comity  existing 
between  the  Spanish  and  American  governments  to 
deliver  them  up  to  the  American  authorities.  The 
New  Madrid  court,  therefore,  ordered  the  prisoners 
to  be  transferred  to  New  Orleans  and  brought  before 
the  intendant. 

At  that  point  in  the  march  of  events  fate  took  relent- 
less grip  on  Samuel  Mason  and  Little  Harpe,  alias 
Setton,  for  their  crimes.  The  way  of  atonement  was  as 
swift  as  its  end  was  to  be  terrible.  It  might  be  quickly 
summarized,  but  there  is  the  better  way  of  pursuing  the 
astonishing  and  dramatic  story  through  the  faded  rec- 
ords and  old  scraps  of  publications  of  those  times,  thus 
getting  into  actual  touch  with  the  persons  and  with  the 
primitive  conditions  under  which  this  strange  duel  of 
two  master  criminals  was  fought  out.  Each  feared  the 
other;   Mason,  perhaps,  not  knowing  his   antagonist. 


242  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

The  grim  headsman  was  silently  stalking  both.  In  the 
language  of  crime  fate  was  double-crossing  both. 

From  New  Madrid  to  New  Orleans  was  a  distance 
of  about  nine  hundred  miles  and  to  travel  it  by  boat  in 
those  days  required  more  than  two  weeks.  It  was  as  if 
it  had  been  decreed  that  Mason  should  make  a  farewell 
tour  through  a  part  of  the  country  in  which  he  had 
become  so  execrated.  New  Orleans  was  then  the  cap- 
ital of  the  Spanish  province  of  Louisiana,  the  seat  of 
the  highest  court,  and  had  been  for  more  than  three- 
quarters  of  a  century  the  most  important  town  on  the 
Mississippi. 

In  1803  New  Madrid  was  a  frontier  settlement  about 
fourteen  years  old.  It  was  a  military  post  occupied  by 
a  small  force  of  soldiers  and  a  town  with  a  population 
of  about  eight  hundred  who  were  French,  American, 
Canadian,  and  Spanish,  or  an  extraction  of  these  peo- 
ples. New  Madrid  remained  under  Spanish  rule  until 
1804  when,  as  a  part  of  the  province  of  Louisiana,  it 
became  a  part  of  the  territory  of  Louisiana  acquired  by 
the  United  States.29 

If  an  official  account  of  what  followed  Mason's 
trial  at  New  Madrid  was  kept  it  may  now  exist  among 
the  archives  in  old  Madrid  in  Spain  and  may  contain 
data  relative  to  the  transfer  of  the  prisoners.  At  any 
rate,  Captain  McCoy  and  his  guard  evidently  started 
for  New  Orleans  early  in  February,  1803.     It  is  more 

29  Practically  all  the  province  of  Louisiana,  including  New  Orleans,  was 
transferred  from  France  to  Spain  in  1769.  Spain  secretly  ceded  the  same 
territory  to  France  September  1,  1800,  but  the  French  did  not  take  formal 
possession  until  November  30,  1803.  On  April  30,  1803,  or  about  seven 
months  before  this  formality  was  performed,  Napoleon  secretly  sold  Louisi- 
ana to  the  United  States  and  accordingly,  December  20,  1803,  at  New  Orleans, 
lower  Louisiana  was  formally  transferred  to  the  American  Republic,  and 
March  9,  1804,  at  St.  Louis,  the  same  ceremony  took  place  for  upper  Louisi- 
ana, which  included  New  Madrid. 


Double-Cross  and  Double  Death  243 

likely  that,  as  a  matter  of  economy  and  convenience, 
they  traveled  down  the  Mississippi  in  a  flatboat.  The 
records  show  that  some  of  the  goods  found  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  Masons  were  carried  along  as  evidence. 

There  is  neither  written  history  nor  oral  tradition 
telling  of  Captain  McCoy's  departure  for  New  Orleans 
or  how  he  held  his  prisoners  on  board  during  the  trip. 
At  least  one  very  probable  scene,  however,  presents 
itself,  and  in  it  John  Setton  is  the  central  figure.  Sam- 
uel Mason  was  then  the  most  widely  known  bandit  in 
the  Mississippi  Valley.  But  in  the  eyes  of  the  law 
Setton  now  suddenly  became  the  most  important  char- 
acter of  all  the  outlaws.  He  was  likely  to  turn  state's 
evidence,  reveal  many  robberies  that  were  long  stand- 
ing mysteries,  and  thus  convict  not  only  Samuel  Mason 
and  his  family,  but  also  point  out  clues  that  would  lead 
to  the  extermination  of  all  river  pirates. 

The  boat  was  necessarily  crowded,  for  even  under  the 
most  encouraging  circumstances  room  on  a  flatboat  was 
limited.  There  were  about  seventeen  persons  on  board: 
Captain  McCoy,  the  interpreter,  some  five  men  who 
constituted  the  guard  and  crew,  the  seven  prisoners, 
and  the  three  children.  Setton  was  probably  chained 
in  the  most  conspicuous  place  where  he  could  be  care- 
fully watched.  This  must  have  been  done  not  only  to 
prevent  his  escape,  but  also  to  prevent  Samuel  Mason 
from  trying  to  persuade  him  to  act  in  a  plot  against  the 
crew,  or  to  dictate  to  him  a  forthcoming  "confession." 

One  can  easily  imagine  that  Captain  McCoy  and  his 
men  frowned  at  Setton  as  they  would  at  a  chained 
sheep-killing  dog.  There  was  nothing  about  him  to 
attract  them.  On  the  contrary,  he  was  repulsive.  Set- 
ton's  countenance,  according  to  one  writer,  was  always 
downcast  and  fierce,  his  hair  red,  his  face  meager  and 


244  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

his  stature  below  that  of  the  average  man.  This  com- 
bination gave  him,  as  Judge  James  Hall  puts  it,  "a  sus- 
picious exterior."  He  was  about  thirty  years  of  age 
and  looked  the  part  of  a  man  who  was  too  much  of  a 
villain  to  smile  and  thereby  try  to  hide  some  of  his  vil- 
lainy. To  his  captors  he  was  nothing  more  than  a 
vicious  dog  whose  life  was  being  spared  solely  that  he 
might  later  give  Mason  a  long-deserved,  fatal  bite. 

They  not  only  looked  upon  him  as  a  thief  and  mur- 
derer, but  also  as  a  fool  not  fit  to  live.  If  he  were 
guilty  of  the  crimes  Mason  laid  at  his  feet,  then  hang- 
ing was  too  mild  a  punishment  for  him.  By  the  same 
token,  if  guilty,  he  was  a  fool  to  permit  a  notorious 
outlaw  to  dictate  to  him  just  what  to  confess  and  whom 
to  implicate.  And  if  he  were  innocent  of  the  crimes 
he  was  even  a  greater  fool  for  submitting  to  Mason's 
demand  and  declaring  in  an  affidavit  that  he,  not  Ma- 
son, was  the  guilty  man. 

With  Captain  McCoy  and  his  guards  on  one  side, 
and  Samuel  Mason  and  his  family  on  the  other,  Setton 
stood  alone  between  "the  devil  and  the  deep  blue  sea." 
He  and  Mason  were  figuratively  and  literally  in  the 
same  boat,  but  Mason  had  at  least  the  consolation  of 
knowing  that  the  members  of  his  family  on  board  were 
also  with  him  in  sympathy  and  ready  to  obey  his  com- 
mand, even  though  it  led  to  certain  death. 

Judged  by  their  morals  Samuel  Mason  and  John 
Setton  were  very  much  alike,  but  in  their  physical 
aspect  they  differed  greatly.  Mason  was  then  about 
fifty-five  years  old,  possibly  sixty.  Swaney,  the  old  mail 
carrier,  who  saw  him  often,  described  him  to  Guild: 
"He  weighed  about  two  hundred  pounds,  and  was  a 
fine  looking  man.    He  was  rather  modest  and  unassum- 


Double-Cross  and  Double  Death  245 

ing,  and  had  nothing  of  the  raw-head-and-bloody-bones 
appearance  which  his  character  would  indicate." 

Henry  Howe  refers  to  him  as  "a  man  of  gigantic 
stature  and  of  more  than  ordinary  talents."  William 
Darby  says:  "Mason  at  any  time  of  his  life  or  in  any 
situation,  had  something  extremely  ferocious  in  his 
look,  which  arose  particularly  from  a  tooth  which  pro- 
jected forwards,  and  could  only  be  covered  with  his  lip 
by  effort." 

Regardless  of  the  difference  in  their  physical  size 
and  physiognomy,  and  regardless  of  the  extent  of  their 
guilt,  both  men  were  held  for  the  same  crimes  and  were 
now  on  their  way  to  New  Orleans  to  appear  before  the 
Spanish  authorities.  Less  than  a  dozen  towns  and  forts 
were  then  scattered  along  the  river  and  all  were  small 
ones.  As  the  boat  slowly  floated  and  sailed  down  the 
wide  stream  between  seemingly  endless  forest  and  jun- 
gle covered  shores,  Mason  had  ample  time  to  view  the 
various  places  where  he  had  committed  robberies,  and 
to  recall  how  successfully  he  had  carried  out  all  his 
attempts.  The  scenes  along  the  Mississippi  have  un- 
dergone many  changes  since  Mason's  day.  Neverthe- 
less, many  of  the  views  have  retained  enough  of  their 
primitive  grandeur  to  create  in  the  imagination  a  land- 
scape of  continuous  virgin  forests  and  a  vivid  picture 
of  what  river  life  was  in  pioneer  days.  But,  by  search- 
ing the  old  records  pertaining  to  Mason's  career,  one 
discovers  facts  that  could  never  have  been  foreseen  by 
the  wisest  prophet  nor  imagined  by  the  wildest  fiction- 
ist. 

How  and  when  Captain  McCoy  and  his  prisoners 
arrived  at  New  Orleans  has  not  been  ascertained,  al- 
though an  effort  has  been  made  to  find  newspaper  or 


246  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

other  accounts  giving  details  on  the  subject.  There 
is,  however,  an  unpublished  official  letter  in  Spanish, 
in  the  Mississippi  Department  of  Archives  and  His- 
tory, which  shows  that  upon  Captain  McCoy's  arrival 
in  New  Orleans  the  record  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
trial  held  at  New  Madrid  was  submitted  to  the  Gov- 
ernor General  of  Louisiana  and  his  Secretary  of  War. 
These  two  Spanish  officers,  after  going  over  the  pro- 
ceedings, concluded  that  since  the  evidence  taken  did 
not  prove  that  Mason  had  committed  any  crime  on  the 
Spanish  side,  the  prisoners  should  be  handed  over  to 
the  Americans.  In  due  time,  therefore,  they  ordered 
them  sent  to  Natchez. 

The  official  letter  referred  to  is  dated  New  Orleans, 
March  3,  1803.  It  was  written  by  Vidal,  the  Secre- 
tary of  War,  approved  by  Manuel  Salcedo,  the  last 
Spanish  governor  of  Louisiana,  and  forwarded  to  Gov- 
ernor Claiborne.  It  briefly  reviews  the  trial  and  points 
out  to  the  Governor  of  the  Mississippi  Territory  that 
the  case  falls  under  American  and  not  Spanish  juris- 
diction. 

Governor  Claiborne,  in  all  probability,  answered 
this  communication  and  requested  that  the  Masons  be 
turned  over  to  him,  for  Captain  McCoy  and  his  men, 
taking  the  prisoners  and  some  of  their  stolen  property, 
left  New  Orleans  the  latter  part  of  March  for  Natchez. 
What  occurred  when  their  boat  stopped  near  Point 
Coupee,  Louisiana- some  two  hundred  and  forty  miles 
above  New  Orleans  and  about  one  hundred  miles  below 
Natchez  -  is  told  in  the  following  news  item  quoted  in 
full  from  The  Western  Spy,  published  at  Cincinnati, 
May  4,  1803: 

"Extract  of  a  letter  from  the  Reverend  John  Smith 


Double-Cross  and  Double  Death  247 

to  a  gentleman  in  this  town,  dated  Point  Coupee, 
March  28,  1803. 

"  'You  no  doubt  have  received  the  account  of  old 
Sam  Mason's  arrest,  with  three  or  four  of  his  sons, 
some  other  villains,  a  woman  and  three  children,  about 
thirty  miles  below  New  Madrid,  by  Captain  McCoy, 
the  king's  interpreter  and  a  small  party.  Captain  Mc- 
Coy has  since  taken  them  to  New  Orleans  in  irons,  but 
as  no  crime  could  be  charged  upon  them  as  being  com- 
mitted in  the  Spanish  Government,  the  Governor  Gen- 
eral ordered  them  to  be  taken  to  Natchez  and  delivered 
to  our  Government.  The  day  before  yesterday  as  they 
were  passing  this  place  the  mast  of  their  vessel  broke, 
a  part  of  the  men  were  sent  on  shore  to  make  a  new  one, 
and  the  rest  were  left  to  guard  the  prisoners.  In  a 
short  time  they  threw  off  their  irons,  seized  the  guns 
belonging  to  the  boat  and  fired  upon  the  guard.  Cap- 
tain McCoy  hearing  the  alarm  ran  out  of  the  cabin,  old 
Mason  instantly  shot  him  through  the  breast  and  shoul- 
der ;  he  with  the  determined  bravery  of  a  soldier,  though 
scarcely  able  to  stand,  shot  him  in  the  head.  Mason 
fell  and  rose,  fell  and  rose  again,  and  although  in  a  gore 
of  blood,  one  of  his  party  having  shot  a  Spaniard's  arm 
to  pieces,  he  drove  off  McCoy's  party  and  kept  posses- 
sion of  the  boat  till  evening,  when,  discovering  a  su- 
perior force  they  left  the  boat,  the  woman  and  children 
following  with  great  precipitation.  There  is  a  party 
of  Caroles  [sic]  after  them  and  it  is  supposed  they  will 
succeed  in  taking  them.  The  commandant  at  this  place 
has  offered  one  thousand  dollars  for  taking  old  Mason 
dead  or  alive.  They  will  be  pursued  with  the  utmost 
diligence  by  a  set  of  determined  fellows.'  " 

Mason  escaped  March  26,  1803.     The  report  of  his 


248  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

flight  spread  fast.  The  same  facts  that  were  published 
in  The  Western  Spy  were  sent  out  from  Natchez  as  a 
news  item,  dated  April  2,  and  printed  with  less  detail 
in  various  papers,  among  them  The  Tennessee  Gazette 
of  April  27,  The  Kentucky  Gazette  of  May  3,  and  The 
Palladium  of  May  5.  In  the  same  news  item  appears 
a  brief  statement  to  the  effect  that  Governor  Claiborne 
had  received  "official  information  of  the  arrival  at  New 
Orleans  of  the  French  Prefect  for  the  Colony  of  Lou- 
isiana." 

Mason  hoped,  as  already  stated,  that  by  showing  he 
had  committed  no  crimes  on  the  Spanish  side  of  the 
Mississippi  he  would  not  be  punished  by  the  Spanish 
authorities.  He  evidently  did  not  foresee  the  possibil- 
ity of  their  turning  him  over  to  the  Americans.  At 
any  rate,  the  French  were  taking  possession  (in  form 
at  least)  of  Louisiana,  and  since  they  had  never  been 
implicated  in  any  strained  relations  with  the  states  rela- 
tive to  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  Mason 
was  now  in  equal  danger  of  pursuit  on  either  side.  By 
choice  or  circumstance  he  risked  the  American  side. 
Two  months  after  his  thrilling  escape  from  the  boat  he 
was  seen  about  fifteen  miles  northeast  of  Natchez.  This 
is  shown  in  a  report  dated  Natchez,  June  6,  1803,  pub- 
lished in  The  Palladium  July  14,  from  which  weekly 
it  was  copied  by  various  other  papers: 

"On  Tuesday  last  the  notorious  Samuel  Mason  and 
several  of  his  party,  all  well  armed,  were  seen  on  the 
Choctaw  trace  near  Cole's  Creek.  Two  detachments 
of  the  militia  of  Jefferson  County  were  immediately 
ordered  out  by  his  excellency,  the  Governor,  in  pursuit 
of  them.  We  have  not  yet  been  informed  of  the  result 
of  this  expedition." 

The  expedition  was  a  failure.     About  two  months 


Double-Cross  and  Double  Death  249 

after  it  was  first  reported  that  Mason  had  been  seen 
near  Cole's  Creek,  James  May  came  to  Greenville, 
Mississippi  -  a  place  formerly  called  Hunston,  some 
twenty-five  miles  in  a  northeasterly  direction  from 
Natchez,  and  now  extinct- and  gave  an  account  of  his 
recent  contact  with  Mason.  James  May,  it  will  be  re- 
called, was  among  the  rough  characters  who  were 
driven  out  of  Henderson  County,  Kentucky,  about  the 
time  Mason  made  his  departure  from  there  for  Cave- 
in-Rock.  May's  past  career  was  not  yet  known  by  the 
citizens  to  whom  he  made  this  report.  The  Palladium, 
ever  reliable  but  sometimes  late,  in  its  issue  of  Septem- 
ber 8,  1803,  says: 

"By  a  gentleman  from  Natchez,  we  are  informed 
that  about  the  25th  or  26th  of  July,  a  man  by  the  name 
of  James  May,  came  to  Hunston,  near  Natchez,  and 
made  oath  before  a  magistrate,  that  sundry  articles 
of  property  and  money,  which  he  then  delivered  up,  he 
had  taken  from  the  notorious  Samuel  Mason,  after 
shooting  him  in  the  head  just  above  the  eye.  May  had 
been  robbed  and  taken  by  Mason  on  his  passage  down 
the  river,  and  had  joined  that  party.  A  few  days  after 
which,  the  company  hearing  a  firing  of  guns,  Mason 
ordered  his  party,  May  excepted,  to  hide  the  horses. 
May  he  directed  to  hide  a  skiff.  He  took  his  gun  with 
him,  and  on  his  return,  whilst  Mason  was  counting  his 
money  to  divide  with  the  party,  he  shot  him,  put  the 
money  and  property  on  board  the  skiff,  and  conveyed 
it  to  Hunston. 

"A  letter  from  Natchez,  published  in  the  Natchez 
paper,  confirms  the  above  account.  A  letter  to  a  gen- 
tleman in  this  town  from  his  correspondent  at  Natchez 
dated  the  25th  instant,  makes  no  mention  of  the  above 
circumstance,  but  says:     'The  Masons  have  removed 


250  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

to  Mississippi  where  they  have  of  late  committed  many 
robberies,  but  no  murders  that  I  have  heard  of.'  " 

No  complete  file  of  any  of  the  newspapers  pub- 
lished in  Natchez  from  1800  to  1805  has  been  found. 
The  few  stray  copies,  located  in  various  large  libraries, 
contain  nothing  about  Mason's  career.  All  are  too  late 
or  too  early  to  embrace  any  current  news  pertaining  to 
him.  Thus  it  was  without  success  that  an  effort  was 
made  to  verify,  by  "the  Natchez  paper"  which  "con- 
firms the  above  account,"  the  statement  regarding 
May's  appearance  in  Greenville  in  July,  1803,  or  to 
draw  on  any  Natchez  paper  for  any  contemporary  re- 
ports relative  to  Mason. 

There  is  nothing  in  history  or  tradition  to  indicate 
what  action  was  taken  by  the  authorities  after  they  re- 
ceived James  May's  report.  He  evidently  left  Green- 
ville, but  for  what  purpose  can  only  be  surmised.  It 
is  highly  probable  that,  after  May  presented  the 
"money  and  property"  he  claimed  he  had  taken  from 
Mason  as  evidence  of  his  having  shot  the  outlaw  for 
whom  a  reward  was  offered,  he  was  soon  convinced 
that  he  had  produced  no  positive  evidence  at  all.  Judg- 
ing from  what  took  place  a  few  months  later,  he  left  for 
the  purpose  of  bringing  in  Mason,  dead  or  alive. 

May  probably  had  been  "robbed  and  taken"  by  Ma- 
son for  the  same  purpose  that  John  Setton  had  been 
detained -to  be  used  as  a  witness  upon  whom  he  might 
try  to  shift  the  Mason  robberies.  If  so,  May's  pursuit 
of  Mason  for  the  offered  reward  was  stimulated  by  a 
spirit  of  revenge.  He  sallied  forth,  reconnoitered, 
and  returned;  but  he  did  not  return  to  Greenville,  nor 
alone.  He  appeared  at  Natchez  and  was  accompanied 
by  John  Setton.  Setton  shortly  thereafter  was  recog- 
nized as  one  of  Mason's  band  and  both  men  were  taken 


Double-Gross  and  Double  Death  251 

and  committed  to  jail  some  time  during  the  latter  part 
of  October.  When  they  were  arrested  Setton,  as  shown 
by  later  records,  claimed  he  came  to  Natchez  for  the 
purpose  of  turning  state's  evidence.  The  Kentucky 
Gazette,  of  November  22,  1803,  briefly  touches  on  the 
situation  as  it  was  about  a  month  before  that  paper 
went  to  press: 

"A  letter  from  a  gentleman  at  Natchez,  to  his  corre- 
spondent in  this  town,  dated  20th  October,  contains 
information  that  the  men  who  robbed  Mr.  Elisha  Win- 
ters, on  his  way  from  New  Orleans,  have  been  taken 
and  committed  to  jail;  so  that  there  is  a  probability  of 
his  getting  his  money.  They  had  in  their  possession 
sundry  articles  taken  from  the  party  who  were  robbed 
near  Bayou  Pierre.  One  of  the  robbers  has  turned 
state's  evidence  against  the  rest;  and  says  that  if  he  can 
be  suffered  to  go  out  with  a  guard,  he  will  take  them 
where  all  the  papers  were  hid  and  a  number  of  other 
things  with  some  money.  The  place  is  not  more  than 
two  days'  ride,  and  application  has  been  made  to  the 
governor  for  the  above  purpose,  which  will  doubtless 
be  granted." 

The  hunt  for  Mason  was  now  continued  with  even 
greater  enthusiasm.  Besides  the  militia  stationed  at 
Natchez  and  Fort  Gibson  many  men  were  on  watch 
for  the  notorious  outlaw  and  his  band.  The  woods 
were  full  of  robber-exterminating  and  reward-seeking 
soldiers  and  civilians.  Mason's  capture  was  inevitable. 
May  and  Setton  evidently  formed  a  pursuing  party  of 
their  own.  According  to  one  tradition,  the  two  men 
discovered  Samuel  Mason  near  Rodney,  Jefferson 
County,  Mississippi,  and,  according  to  another,  they 
found  him  near  Lake  Concordia,  Louisiana,  not  far 
from  Natchez.     They  gained  Mason's  confidence  and 


252  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

succeeded  in  convincing  him  that  they  had  returned 
in  order  to  follow  him  as  their  leader.  Then  it  was 
that  Mason  met  the  fate  he  had  himself  invited. 

Monette  says:  "Two  of  his  band,  tempted  by  the 
large  reward,  concerted  a  plan  by  which  they  might 
obtain  it.  An  opportunity  soon  occurred,  and  while 
Mason,  in  company  with  the  two  conspirators,  was 
counting  out  some  ill-gotten  plunder,  a  tomahawk  was 
buried  in  his  brain.  His  head  was  severed  from  his 
body  and  borne  in  triumph  to  Washington,  the  seat  of 
the  territorial  [Mississippi]  government."  Daniel 
Roe,  in  a  letter  published  in  The  Port  Folio,  August, 
1825,  states  that  the  two  men  "took  Mason's  head  to 
Natchez  in  the  bow  of  a  canoe,  rolled  up  in  blue  clay, 
or  mud,  to  prevent  putrefaction."  Resuming  Monette's 
account:  "The  head  of  Mason  was  recognized  by 
many,  and  identified  by  all  who  read  the  proclamation, 
as  the  head  entirely  corresponded  with  the  description 
given  of  certain  scars  and  peculiar  marks.  Some  delay, 
however,  occurred  in  paying  over  the  reward,  owing 
to  the  slender  state  of  the  treasury.  Meantime,  a  great 
assemblage  from  all  the  adjacent  country  had  taken 
place,  to  view  the  grim  and  ghastly  head  of  the  robber 
chief.  They  were  not  less  inspired  with  curiosity  to  see 
and  converse  with  the  individuals  whose  prowess  had 
delivered  the  country  of  so  great  a  scourge."  30 

30  Under  what  circumstances  Mason  was  trapped  by  May  and  Setton  and 
whether  or  not  he  really  knew  by  whom  he  was  snared  has  not  been  ascer- 
tained. Mrs.  William  Anthony,  in  her  letter  to  Draper,  states  that  on  one 
occasion  when  Mason  and  his  party  were  crossing  the  Mississippi  River, 
May  was  acting  as  ferryman  and  "Mason  said  the  others  might  all  go  over 
first  and  he  would  remain  till  last.  When  all  were  over  but  Mason,  May 
returned  for  him,  and  as  Mason  was  alone  with  his  bag  of  money,  May 
killed  him  and  took  the  head  to  Natchez." 

Audubon,  in  one  of  his  Journals  under  the  head  of  "Regulators"  gives 
another  version:  "At  last  a  body  of  Regulators  undertook,  at  great  peril,  and 
for  the  sake  of  the  country,  to  bring  the  villain  to  punishment.     .     .     One  day 


Double-Cross  and  Double  Death  253 

One  version,  which  first  appeared  in  print  about 
1876,  has  it  that  "Many  fully  identified  the  head  by  cer- 
tain marks  thereon,  except  his  wife  who  as  positively 
denied  it.  .  .  The  Governor  had  sent  his  carriage 
for  her  expressly  to  come  down  and  testify  .  .  . 
and  many  believed  Mason  fled  the  country  and  died  in 
his  bed  in  Canada.  .  .  Mason's  family  [probably 
his  wife  and  youngest  son]  then  resided  in  this  county, 
not  far  from  old  Shankstown,  and  his  wife  was  gen- 
erally respected  as  an  honest  and  virtuous  woman  by 
all  her  neighbors,  and  one  of  her  sons  was  a  worthy 
citizen  of  Warren  County  not  many  years  ago."  This 
is  quoted  in  Claiborne's  history  from  a  "Centennial  Ad- 
dress" delivered  by  Captain  W.  L.  Harper,  of  Jefferson 
County,  Mississippi.  In  1891  Robert  Lowry  published 
a  statement  in  his  History  of  Mississippi,  without  citing 
any  authority,  that  "One  of  Mason's  gang  killed  an  in- 
nocent man,  cut  off  his  head,  carried  it  to  the  Governor 
of  Mississippi  and  claimed  the  reward." 

May,  as  already  seen,  claimed  that  he  had  been  a 
victim  of  Mason  and,  a  few  months  previous,  had  de- 
clared he  could  find  and  capture  the  notorious  robber. 
Setton,  on  the  other  hand,  having  expressed  a  desire  to 

as  he  was  riding  a  beautiful  horse  in  the  woods  he  was  met  by  one  of  the 
Regulators,  who  immediately  recognized  him,  but  passed  him  as  if  an  utter 
stranger.  Mason,  not  dreaming  of  danger,  pursued  his  way  leisurely,  as  if 
he  had  met  no  one.  .  .  At  dusk,  Mason,  having  reached  the  lowest  part 
of  a  ravine,  no  doubt  well  known  to  him,  hoppled  (tied  together  the  fore- 
legs of)  his  stolen  horse,  to  enable  it  to  feed  during  the  night  without  chance 
of  straying  far,  and  concealed  himself  in  a  hollow  log  to  spend  the  night. 
The  plan  was  good  but  proved  his  ruin.  The  Regulator,  who  knew  every 
hill  and  hollow  of  the  woods,  marked  the  place  and  the  log  with  the  eye  of 
an  experienced  hunter,  and  as  he  remarked  that  Mason  was  most  efficiently 
armed,  he  galloped  off  to  the  nearest  house  where  he  knew  he  should  find 
assistance.  This  was  easily  procured,  and  the  party  proceeded  to  the  spot. 
Mason,  on  being  attacked,  defended  himself  with  desperate  valor ;  and  as  it 
proved  impossible  to  secure  him  alive  he  was  brought  to  the  ground  with  a 
rifle  ball.     His  head  was  cut  off,  and  stuck  on  the  end  of  a  broken  branch  of 


254  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

turn  state's  evidence,  admitted  having  been  connected 
with  the  outlaw.  The  situation  was  interesting,  for  it 
was  an  unusual  one.  The  head,  having  been  identified 
as  Samuel  Mason's,  the  two  heroes  of  the  occasion  went 
before  a  judge  to  make  an  affidavit  and  to  get  an  order 
on  the  governor  for  the  payment  of  the  reward.  "But 
just  as  the  judge  was  in  the  act  of  making  out  a  certifi- 
cate," writes  Claiborne  in  his  History  of  Mississippi, 
"a  traveler  stepped  into  the  court  room  and  requested 
to  have  the  two  men  arrested.  He  had  alighted  at  the 
tavern,  had  repaired  to  the  stable  to  see  his  horse  at- 
tended to,  and  there  saw  the  horses  of  the  two  men  who 
had  arrived  just  before  him.  He  recognized  the 
horses  (principally  because  each  had  a  peculiar  blaze 
in  the  face)  as  belonging  to  parties  who  had  robbed 
him  and  killed  one  of  his  companions  some  two  months 
previous  on  the  Natchez  Trace,  and  going  into  the 
court  house,  he  identified  the  two  men." 

Suspicion  was  immediately  aroused.  This  declara- 
tion not  only  showed  that  May,  who  complained  of 
being  robbed,  was  a  robber  himself,  but  it  also  indicated 
that  the  "reformed"  Setton  as  well  as  the  "victimized" 
May,  had  committed  at  least  one  robbery  since  they 
left  Greenville  in  search  of  Mason.  Who  are  May  and 
Setton,  and  where  do  they  come  from,  and  what  have 
they  been  doing  for  a  living?  Such  questions  were 
asked.  Absolutely  nothing  was  known  about  May.  As 
to  Setton,  their  information  was  limited  to  the  report 
that  he  had  been  "badly  treated"  by  Mason;  some  may 

a  tree,  by  the  nearest  road  to  the  place  where  the  affray  happened.  The 
gang  soon  dispersed,  in  consequence  of  the  loss  of  their  leader,  and  this 
infliction  of  merited  punishment  proved  beneficial  in  deterring  others  from 
following  a  similar  predatory  life." 

Such  may  have  been  the  end  of  one  of  the  sons  of  Mason.  There  is  nothing 
in  history  or  tradition  connecting  this  act  of  the  Regulators  with  the  career 
of  Samuel  Mason. 


Double-Cross  and  Double  Death  255 

have  known  that  he  had  traveled  under  assumed  names, 
but  evidently  none  yet  suspected  he  was  Little  Harpe. 

The  next  step  in  the  development  of  their  careers  is 
given  in  one  of  Draper's  manuscripts  written  after  an 
interview  with  Colonel  John  Stump,  who  was  born  in 
1776:  "In  the  winter  of  1803-4  old  Captain  Frederick 
Stump,  commanding  a  company  under  Colonel  George 
Doherty,  went  as  far  as  Natchez  to  aid  in  taking  posses- 
sion of  Louisiana.  There  Captain  Stump,  by  invitation 
of  Governor  Claiborne,  an  old  friend,  made  his  quar- 
ters, and  was  present  when  Setton  and  May  came  with 
Mason's  head  to  claim  the  reward  of  one  thousand  dol- 
lars. The  Governor  told  them  to  call  at  a  stated  time 
and  the  check  would  be  ready  for  them.  After  they  had 
gone  Captain  Stump  said  he  believed  that  Setton  was 
really  Little  Harpe.  .  .  The  description  of  Little 
Harpe  so  well  corresponded  with  Setton's  appearance 
that  it  was  agreed  to  arrest  them  both.  .  .  It  was 
proclaimed  at  the  landing  of  Natchez  that  it  was  be- 
lieved that  Wiley  Harpe  was  taken,  and  if  any  Ken- 
tucky boatman  had  any  personal  knowledge  of  him, 
they  were  desired  to  examine  the  prisoner.  Five  boat- 
men recognized  him  and  gave  in  their  evidence  to  that 
effect.  Some  of  them  were  witnesses  in  the  Harpe  case 
when  they  broke  from  the  Danville  jail.  Said  one  of 
these  boatmen  before  seeing  him :  'If  he  is  Harpe  he  has 
a  mole  on  his  neck  and  two  toes  grown  together  on  one 
foot.'  And  so  it  proved,  and  the  fellow  with  such  posi- 
tive proof  against  him  shed  tears."  [12I] 

Shortly  after  this,  John  Bowman,  of  Knoxville,  Ten- 
nessee, called  in  to  see  the  two  men.  He  recognized 
Little  Harpe.  "Little  Harpe  denied  the  name,  but 
Bowman  persisted  and  said,  'if  you  are  Harpe  you  have 
a  scar  under  your  left  nipple  where  I  cut  you  in  a  diffi- 


256  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

culty  we  had  at  Knoxville.'  Bowman  tore  the  man's 
shirt  open  and  there  was  the  scar."  [26] 

Up  to  this  time,  Little  Harpe,  under  the  names  of 
John  Taylor,  John  Setton,  and  Wells,  had  succeeded  in 
concealing  his  identity.  He  now  realized  that  even 
though  he  turned  state's  evidence  against  the  Masons, 
the  history  of  his  own  terrible  career  in  Tennessee  and 
Kentucky  and  at  Cave-in-Rock  was  too  well  and  widely 
known  for  him  to  expect  any  mercy,  no  matter  how 
important  his  revelations  regarding  the  Masons  might 
be.  At  New  Madrid  he  had  a  narrow  escape  from  be- 
ing identified.  After  he  and  the  Masons  were  captured 
and  taken  to  the  Spanish  prison,  it  was  rumored  that  one 
of  the  prisoners  was  "a  fellow  who  calls  himself  Taylor 
but  who  is  supposed  to  be  that  notorious  villain  and 
murderer  Harpe."  A  statement  to  that  effect  was  writ- 
ten in  a  letter  dated  January  24,  1804,  and  published  six 
weeks  later  in  The  Western  Spy.  But,  as  already 
seen,  he  had  sworn  before  the  New  Madrid  court,  as 
John  Setton,  that  he  had  met  a  man  by  the  name  of 
Harpe  who  had  been  killed  and,  when  further  ques- 
tioned, declared  that  he  knew  nothing  regarding  the 
whereabouts  of  Little  Harpe.  Although  his  identity 
was  now  well  established,  he,  in  self-defense,  persisted 
in  denying  the  name.    Escape  was  his  only  hope. 

Nothing  was  then  known  about  James  May's  past 
other  than  his  recent  acts  connected  with  the  beheading 
of  Mason  and  his  attempted  apprehension  of  the  Mason 
band.  These  acts  in  themselves  exposed  him  as  a  man 
of  such  a  treacherous  character  that  he  could  expect  no 
mercy  nor  any  reward.  On  the  other  hand,  should  he 
be  identified  as  one  of  the  men  who  had  been  driven  out 
of  Henderson  County,  Kentucky,  and  be  accused  of 
Cave-in-Rock  murders  and  robberies,  then  nothing  but 


Double-Gross  and  Double  Death  257 

the  severest  punishment  that  could  be  inflicted  upon 
him  might  be  expected.  With  him,  as  with  Little 
Harpe,  escape  was  his  only  hope.    And  both  escaped.31 

How  Little  Harpe  and  May  escaped  is  not  known. 
While  at  Natchez  they  may  have  been  indicted  for  Ma- 
son's murder.  If  so,  having  killed  Mason  in  compli- 
ance with  the  governor's  proclamation  to  capture  the 
outlaw  dead  or  alive,  they  were  acquitted.  William 
Darby,  then  living  near  Natchez,  writes  that  the  two 
prisoners  "learning  their  danger  fled  from  Natchez, 
but  were  taken  in  Jefferson  County,  Mississippi,  and 
confined  in  jail  and  in  due  time,  tried  and  con- 
victed. .  ."  They  were  tried  before  the  Circuit  Court 
in  Greenville,  in  January,  1804,  as  is  shown  by  the  few 
existing  entries  made  in  the  now  mutilated  docket  book 
of  that  court.  No  record  of  the  court  proceedings  was 
found,  although  a  careful  search  was  made. 

The  first  entry  found  in  the  docket  book  is  dated  Fri- 
day, January  13,  1804.  The  court  was  presided  over 
by  Peter  B.  Bruin,  David  Ker,  and  Thomas  Rodney, 
who  were  among  the  best  known  men  in  Mississippi. 
It  is  an  interesting  fact  that  when  Aaron  Burr  was  ar- 
rested the  following  year  on  Cole's  Creek,  near  Green- 
ville, he  was  tried  in  Washington,  Mississippi,  before 
two  of  these  same  judges,  the  third,  Judge  Ker,  having 
died  of  pneumonia  contracted  while  serving  at  the  trial 
of  Harpe  and  May.  William  Downs,  as  foreman  of 
the  grand  jury,  brought  in  "an  indictment  of  robbery" 
against  each  of  the  prisoners:  "The  Territory  against 
James  May"  and  "The  Territory  against  John  Setton." 

31  All  the  early  records  prove  beyond  a  doubt  that  John  Setton  and  Wiley 
Harpe  or  "Little"  Harpe  were  one  and  the  same  man.  A  few  of  the  later 
writers  confuse  May  and  Setton  and,  apparently  as  a  result  of  a  superficial 
knowledge  of  the  careers  of  these  outlaws,  state  that  Wiley  Harpe  had 
assumed  the  name  of  one  May. 


258  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

Little  Harpe,  alias  Setton,  and  his  co-worker  May  were 
represented  by  Mr.  Breazeale  and  Mr.  Parrott.  These 
attorneys  evidently  made  every  possible  effort  to  save 
their  clients.  A  plea  of  "not  guilty"  had  been  entered. 
Then  followed  much  sparring  over  technicalities.  They 
first  attempted  to  quash  the  indictment;  they  next 
claimed  the  court  did  not  have  jurisdiction;  and  finally 
presented  a  petition  for  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus.  But 
all  these  contentions  were  overruled.32  "And  for  trial 
(each)  put  himself  upon  the  country  and  General  Poin- 
dexter,  Attorney  General."  Each  was  tried  by  separate 
jury,  James  May  being  the  first,  and  each  was  found 
guilty.  Then  the  two  attorneys  came  forward  with  "a 
plea  of  former  acquittal,"  but  the  court  rendered  a  deci- 
sion that  "the  plea  of  former  acquittal  is  not  sufficient 
in  law  to  be  considered  a  sufficient  bar  to  this  indict- 
ment." This  plea  of  "former  acquittal"  leads  one  to 
infer  that  when  Mason's  head  was  brought  to  Natchez 
both  men  were  tried  there  and  elsewhere  for  murder, 
and  having  been  "acquitted"  of  that  charge  they,  in  all 
likelihood,  argued  that  they  were  therefore  also  acquit- 
ted of  highway  robbery  which  was  incidental  to  the 
murder. 

As  already  stated,  the  record  of  the  proceedings  con- 
taining all  these  and  other  details  of  the  case  cannot 
now  be  found.  There  is  nothing  to  indicate  who  the 
witnesses  were,  except  Elisha  Winters,  who  was  "al- 
lowed the  compensation  allowed  by  law  for  his  attend- 
ance at  this  term  and  for  traveling  to  and  from  said 
court  one  thousand  miles."    Among  the  few  available 

32  The  counsel  for  the  defense  evidently  objected  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
court,  claiming  that  the  alleged  "robberies  by  Mason's  men"  did  not  occur 
within  the  bounds  of  Mississippi  Territory.  The  question  of  jurisdiction  is 
commented  on  in  two  of  the  letters  written  in  1804  by  Thomas  Rodney  to 
Caesar  A.  Rodney.  [52] 


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THE  USURY 

or 


Double-Gross  and  Double  Death  261 

pages  of  the  docket  book  bearing  on  this  case  is  one 
containing  two  entries  dated  February  4,  1804.  They 
show  that  the  sentence  passed  was  in  the  same  words 
for  each  prisoner.  James  May's  is  the  first  on  the 
record,  and  is  immediately  followed  by  Little  Harpe's : 

"John  Setton  who  has  been  found  guilty  of  robbery 
at  the  present  term  was  this  day  set  to  the  bar  and  the 
sentence  of  the  court  pronounced  upon  him  as  follows, 
that  on  Wednesday  the  eighth  day  of  the  present  month 
he  be  taken  to  the  place  of  execution  and  there  to  be 
hung  up  by  the  neck,  between  the  hours  of  ten  o'clock 
in  the  forenoon  and  four  in  the  afternoon,  until  he  is 
dead,  dead,  dead.  Which  said  sentence  the  Sheriff  of 
Jefferson  County  was  ordered  to  carry  into  execution." 

On  Wednesday  afternoon,  February  8th,  Little 
Harpe  and  James  May  were  taken  from  the  jail  to  a 
field  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  north  of  the  village  of 
Greenville.  There,  on  what  has  ever  since  been  known 
as  "Gallows  Field,"  they  received  their  well  deserved 
reward,  but  not  the  one  they  had  planned  to  procure. 
They  paid,  with  their  lives,  what  was,  considering  the 
atrocity  of  their  crimes,  a  light  penalty. 

In  pioneer  days  the  official  executioner  usually  pre- 
pared a  gallows  by  fastening  one  end  of  a  long  beam  or 
heavy  pole  in  the  forks  of  a  tree  and  placing  the  other 
end  similarly  in  another  tree.  On  this  cross  timber  he 
tied  the  rope  with  which  the  condemned  man  was  to 
be  hanged.  The  prisoner,  as  a  rule,  was  put  on  a  wagon, 
his  coffin  serving  as  a  seat,  and  driven  to  the  place  of 
execution.  Upon  his  arrival  the  same  wagon  and  coffin 
on  which  he  rode  were  used  as  the  platform  and  trap 
of  his  gallows.  After  the  suspended  rope  was  properly 
looped  around  his  neck  the  condemned  man  was  made 
to  stand  erect  on  his  coffin.    When  all  details  had  been 


262  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

attended  to  the  horses  were  rushed  forward,  leaving  the 
human  body  hung  suspended  in  the  air.  In  some  in- 
stances the  gallows  was  a  frame-work  with  a  platform 
in  which  a  trap  door  was  built. 

In  the  hanging  of  Harpe  and  May  the  procedure 
was  somewhat  unusual  even  for  a  frontier  country.  Two 
ropes  were  tied  to  a  heavy  pole  placed  high  between 
two  trees.  The  two  men  walked  from  the  jail  to  the 
gallows.  Each  with  his  hands  tied  behind  him  was 
made  to  mount  a  ladder;  his  feet  were  then  bound  and 
the  noose  fastened  around  his  neck.  When  the  ladders 
were  dropped  the  two  bodies  fell  as  far  as  the  suspended 
rope  permitted,  and  thus  each  was  "hung  up  by  the 
neck"  until,  as  prescribed  by  law,  he  was  "dead,  dead, 
dead."  [54] 

The  news  that  Samuel  Mason  had  at  last  been  killed 
was  a  great  relief  to  the  country.  The  fact  that  Little 
Harpe  and  James  May  were  actually  hanged  was  a 
matter  of  equally  widespread  interest.  The  Guardian 
of  Freedom,  February  20,  1804,  published  the  follow- 
ing, which  was  copied  by  a  number  of  papers,  includ- 
ing The  Kentucky  Gazette  of  a  week  later: 

"Extract  of  a  letter  from  a  gentleman  in  Mississippi 
Territory  to  his  friend  in  this  town  (Frankfort)  dated 
February  8,  1804:  'There  have  been  two  of  Sam  Ma- 
son's party  -  which  infested  the  road  between  this  coun- 
try and  Kentucky  -  in  jail  at  Greenville  for  trial.  They 
were  condemned  last  term  and  executed  this  day.  One 
of  them  was  James  May;  the  other  called  himself  John 
Setton  but  was  proved  to  be  the  villain  who  was  known 
by  the  name  of  Little  or  Red-headed  Harpe,  and  who 
committed  so  many  acts  of  cruelty  in  Kentucky.'  " 

The  Palladium,  March  3,  published  a  news  item 
dated  Natchez,  February  9,  1804:  "Setton  and  May 


Double-Gross  and  Double  Death  263 

were  executed  at  Greenville  yesterday  between  three 
and  four  o'clock,  pursuant  to  their  sentence.  We  are 
informed  that  Setton  made  some  confession  at  the  place 
of  execution  which  has  a  tendency  to  implicate  several 
persons  not  heretofore  suspected  as  parties  concerned 
with  Masons  in  their  depredations.  May  complained 
of  the  hardship  of  his  fate;  said  he  had  not  been  guilty 
of  crimes  deserving  death  and  spoke  of  the  benefit  he 
had  rendered  society  by  destroying  old  Mason." 

The  hanging  of  Little  Harpe  and  James  May  for 
highway  robbery  was  a  fulfillment  of  the  written  law  of 
pioneer  times  as  well  as  the  unwritten  law  of  frontier 
communities.  But  many  of  the  enraged  citizens  felt 
that  the  law  of  pioneer  justice  had  not  been  satisfied  for 
the  known  and  unknown  murders  committed  by  these 
two  offenders.  There  is  nothing  in  history  or  tradition 
to  indicate  that  an  attempt  was  made  to  lynch  the  two 
condemned  outlaws.  But  the  lynch  spirit  evidently 
raged.  In  the  words  of  Franklin  L.  Riley,  an  authority 
on  early  Mississippi  history:  "After  their  execution  on 
the  Gallows  Field  their  heads  were  placed  on  poles,  one 
a  short  distance  to  the  north  and  the  other  a  short  dis- 
tance to  the  west  of  Greenville,  on  the  Natchez  Trace." 

[105] 

How  long  these  gruesome  warnings  to  highwaymen 
stood  along  the  road  and  what  finally  became  of  them 
is  not  known.  Each  doubtless  met  with  a  fate  befitting 
a  head  so  ignoble.  It  is  not  probable  that  they  were 
ever  interred  in  the  grave  with  the  two  headless  bodies. 
Tradition  has  it  that  the  two  bodies  were  placed  in  a 
box  and  buried  in  a  new  grave  yard  about  one  hundred 
yards  east  of  the  Greenville  jail  and  court  house  and 
about  the  same  distance  north  of  the  hotel  in  the  central 
part  of  the  village. 


264  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

This  new  grave  yard  was  on  the  Natchez  Trace  and 
contained  less  than  half  a  dozen  graves.  Tradition  says 
that  an  effort  was  made  by  a  number  of  people  who  had 
kinsmen  buried  in  it  to  influence  the  officials  to  bury 
elsewhere  the  decapitated  remains  of  these  despised 
desperadoes.  Their  request  was  not  granted,  and  the 
burial  was  held  late  on  the  night  of  the  execution 
within  a  few  yards  of  where  stood  one  of  the  head-sur- 
mounted poles.  The  next  day  the  indignant  men  who 
had  opposed  this  as  a  burial  place  for  the  two  villains, 
exhumed  their  dead  and  removed  the  remains  about  a 
half  mile  south  of  Greenville  and  there  began  a  new 
burying  ground  which  today  is  known  as  Bellegrove 
Church  Yard.33 

What  attempts  were  made  to  collect  the  reward  of- 
fered for  the  capture  of  Mason?  What  became  of  the 
Masons?  It  is  probable  these  questions  can  never  be 
fully  answered.  The  court  records  showing  the  total 
expense  involved  in  the  trial  and  transportation  of  the 
Masons,  and  in  the  trial  and  execution  of  Little  Harpe 
and  James  May,  have  not  been  found.  These  expenses 
were  paid  by  the  territorial  and  federal  governments. 
One  of  Governor  Claiborne's  letters  [113]  shows  that 
in  January,  1806,  one  Seth  Caston  "exhibited  demands 
for  one  hundred  dollars  for  apprehending  and  bring- 

33  Greenville,  originally  called  Hunston,  was  an  important  town  on  the 
old  Natchez  Trace.  It  lay  about  twenty-five  miles  northeast  of  Natchez, 
and  was  a  thriving  village  as  early  as  1798,  when  the  United  States  took 
possession  of  Mississippi  Territory.  A  number  of  the  state's  wealthiest  and 
most  aristocratic  pioneers  lived  in  or  near  the  town.  In  1825  the  seat  of 
justice  was  moved  from  Greenville  to  Fayette  and  soon  thereafter  the  old 
town  passed  out  of  existence.  The  site  of  old  Greenville  has  been  under 
cultivation  for  many  years.  The  court  house  and  the  jail  stood  in  what  is 
now  known  as  "Courthouse  Field." 

The  city  of  Greenville,  Mississippi,  on  the  Mississippi  River,  which  was 
established  long  after  old  Greenville  became  an  extinct  town,  is  a  thriving 
place  of  more  than  10,000  inhabitants. 


Double-Cross  and  Double  Death  265 

ing  to  justice"  these  two  notorious  outlaws.  There  is 
nothing  indicating  the  character  of  Caston's  claim;  nor 
is  there  anything  to  show  whether  or  not  he  received 
any  money.  Harpe  and  May  were  entitled  to  the  re- 
ward offered  in  Governor  Claiborne's  proclamation; 
it  doubtless  would  have  been  granted  to  them  in  full 
had  they  not  proven  that  above  all  other  rewards  they 
best  deserved  that  which  they  received  on  the  gallows. 

Neither  history  nor  tradition  tells  what  became  of 
the  Mason  family  after  Samuel  Mason  met  his  fate  and 
Little  Harpe  and  James  May  received  their  reward. 
Samuel  Mason's  wife,  who  evidently  did  not  approve 
of  her  husband's  lawlessness  -  at  least  not  in  her  later 
years- made  her  home,  as  we  have  already  seen,  not 
far  from  old  Shankstown,  in  Jefferson  County,  Missis- 
sippi. There,  according  to  Claiborne,  the  historian,  she 
was  "generally  respected  as  an  honest  and  virtuous  wo- 
man by  all  her  neighbors,  and  one  of  her  sons  [probably 
Magnus  or  Samuel  Mason  Jr.]  was  a  worthy  citizen 
of  Warren  County."  Monette  says  that  "the  Mason 
band  being  deprived  of  their  leader  and  two  of  his  most 
efficient  men,  dispersed  and  fled,"  and  thus  terminated 
the  greatest  terror  to  travelers  which  had  infested  the 
country.34 

In  the  meantime,  the  headless  bodies  of  Little  Harpe 
and  James  May  continued  to  lie  in  their  double  grave 
near  the  Natchez  Trace.  As  time  rolled  on  the  narrow 
Trace  widened  and,  as  roads  frequently  do,  it  wore 
deeper  into  the  slight  elevation  over  which  it  led. 
About  the  year  1850  this  widening  and  deepening  pro- 
cess reached  the  fleshless  bones  in  the  solitary  grave,  and 

34  What  became  of  Mason's  men  is  not  known.  A  frontier  rowdy  named 
Edward  Rose  is  described  in  Washington  Irving's  Astoria.  Lyman  C.  Draper 
wrote  on  the  fly-leaf  of  his  copy  of  this  book  that  "Rose  was  probably  one  of 
Mason's  gang." 


266  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

the  two  skeletons,  protruding  piece  by  piece  from  the 
road  bank,  were  dragged  out  by  dogs  and  other  beasts 
until  the  highway  widened  beyond  the  grave  and  the 
burial  site  became  part  of  the  ditch  along  the  Natchez 
Trace. 

Some  twenty  years  ago,  upon  straightening  out  a  part 
of  the  Natchez  Trace,  the  small  section  of  the  old  road 
of  which  the  burial  place  was  a  part,  was  discarded  as 
a  highway,  and  today  the  old  road  bed,  including  the 
site  of  the  grave,  is  a  mere  jungle  of  briars  and  brush. 

Thus  the  last  vestige  of  these  two  villains  disappeared 
on  the  very  highway  upon  which  they  had  committed 
so  many  crimes,  and  possibly  on  the  very  spot  where 
one  of  their  victims  breathed  his  last.  The  ocean  of 
time  has  closed  over  every  one  of  the  personal  relics  of 
all  these  enemies  of  society,  but  the  waves  that  their 
activities  started  still  carry  on  as  ripples  of  human 
interest. 


Coiners  at  the  Cave 

The  Cave  had  been  used  for  religious  purposes,  as  a 
haven  in  time  of  distress,  as  an  inn  and  as  a  decoy  house 
for  murder  and  robbery.  Through  the  widely  scattered 
references  to  it  in  early  books  of  travel  and  in  maga- 
zines and  newspapers  we  find  also  occasional  indica- 
tions that  it  had  been,  at  different  times  and  for  short 
periods,  the  workshop  and  headquarters  of  counter- 
feiters. There  are,  indeed,  few  details  concerning  its 
occupation  by  bandits  and  criminals  of  any  description ; 
this  is  the  veil  of  mystery  that  shrouds  it  in  enduring 
interest.  The  knowledge  that  distinct  facts  about  defin- 
ite crimes  committed  there  can  never  be  obtained  has 
challenged  the  imagination  of  various  writers.  Facts 
about  the  counterfeiters  who  used  it  are  much  less  in 
evidence  than  facts  about  those  following  other  forms 
of  crime;  probably  because  counterfeiting  must  of 
necessity  be  more  secret  than  other  crimes. 

There  is  nothing  to  indicate  that  any  of  the  counter- 
feiters of  Cave-in-Rock  were  guilty  of  robbery  by  force 
or  of  murder.  The  part  they  played  in  outlaw  river 
life  was  in  the  purchase  of  goods  from  passing  boats 
and  the  payment  for  these  goods  in  counterfeit  coin  and 
currency.  Not  until  it  was  too  late  would  the  receivers 
of  such  money  discover  they  had  been  duped.  For  this 
reason  the  counterfeiters  could  not  long  use  the  Cave 
at  one  time.  There  were,  as  far  as  is  known,  only  three 
counterfeiters  identified  with  the  Cave.  Two  of  these 
were  among  the  first  lawbreakers  to  convert  the  place 


268  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

into  a  workshop  for  a  nefarious  trade;  the  other  was 
among  the  last  of  its  outlaws. 

Dr.  Frederick  Hall,  who  went  up  the  Ohio  in  1839, 
states  in  his  Letters  from  the  East  and  from  the  West 
that  "this  noted  cavern  is  styled  Counterfeiters'  Cave." 
He  further  comments  that  "in  times  gone  past,  never  to 
revert,  it  was  inhabited  by  counterfeiters,  robbers,  and 
murderers."  Charles  Augustus  Murray,  in  his  Travels 
in  North  America,  writes  of  his  trip  down  the  Ohio  in 
June,  1835.  He  says  that  the  current  report  of  the 
country  at  the  time  of  his  visit  to  the  Cave,  was  that 
when  this  den  of  thieves  was  finally  broken  up  "it  con- 
tained great  quantities  of  gold,  silver,  silks,  and  stuffs, 
and  false  money,  with  an  apparatus  for  coining." 

It  is  not  known  what  disposition  was  made  of  the 
coining  tools  and  false  money  referred  to  by  Murray. 
Nor  is  it  known  what  became  of  any  of  the  apparatus 
and  illegal  money  left  behind  by  the  Cave's  other  coun- 
terfeiters. The  person  who  expresses  the  opinion  that 
an  "upper  cave"  exists,  is  likely  to  add  that  great  quanti- 
ties of  good  and  bad  money  are  hidden  in  the  undiscov- 
ered cavern.  The  counterfeiters  probably  carried  away 
all  their  coin  and  coining  apparatus.  The  only  trace  of 
suggestive  evidence  preserved  today  indicating  the 
former  occupancy  by  counterfeiters  is  the  half  of  a 
double  die  or  mold  which  was  found  many  years  ago  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  Cave.  It  has  been  cherished  as  a 
possible  relic  of  the  counterfeiting  regime  there. 

This  die  was  seemingly  hidden  near  the  Cave  by  one 
of  the  men  who  had  used  it  for  the  purpose  of  making 
counterfeit  half-dollars  and  the  large  five-dollar  gold 
pieces  of  those  days.  It  is  a  double  plate  of  iron  four 
and  three-quarter  inches  long  and  two  and  one-quarter 
inches  wide,  welded  together.    The  upper  plate  is  one- 


Implements  and  Weapons  used  by  the  Outlaws 

Counterfeiter's  mold,  knife  blade,  iron  tomahawk,  and   stone   idol   found   in 
vicinity  of  Cave-in-Rock,  and  a  flint-lock  pistol  of  the  style  used  about  1800 


THE  LIBMRY 
(PIHE 


Coiners  at  the  Cave  271 

eighth  of  an  inch  thick  and  in  it  are  cut  two  discs,  each 
being  one  and  one-half  inches  in  diameter  and  having  a 
gap  at  the  top,  opening  to  a  funnel  shaped  "feeder." 
It  is  said  that  a  particular  local  clay  or  some  other  suit- 
able material  was  placed  in  the  circle  and  into  this  pli- 
able matrix  the  impression  was  made  of  one  side  of  a 
genuine  half-dollar,  or  of  an  old  style  five-dollar  gold- 
piece,  which  was  of  about  the  same  size.  This  formed, 
when  hardened,  a  more  or  less  durable  mold  for  one 
side  of  the  new  coin.  In  like  manner  another  mold  was 
prepared  in  the  other  half  of  the  coining  apparatus  for 
the  other  side  of  the  counterfeit  piece.  The  two  parts 
of  the  mold  were  then  placed  in  proper  position  and 
the  hot  metal  poured  into  the  cavity  through  the  funnel- 
like opening.  This  process  doubtless  produced,  as  a 
rule,  a  more  or  less  crude  imitation,  but  since  many  of 
the  genuine  coins  of  an  earlier  date  were  somewhat 
crude  and  were  still  in  circulation,  the  counterfeiters 
experienced  comparatively  little  trouble  in  imitating 
the  old  pieces. 

Among  the  early  counterfeiters  who  made  the  Cave 
their  headquarters  for  a  time  was  Philip  Alston,  who 
looms  large  in  the  romance  and  gossip  of  the  latter  part 
of  the  eighteenth  and  early  part  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
turies. He  was  a  gentleman  by  birth,  education,  and 
early  association.  He  comes  down  to  us  handsome  in 
figure  and  grand  in  manner,  wearing  broad-cloth, 
ruffles,  and  lace.  He  had  an  air  of  chivalry  to  women 
and  of  aloofness,  superiority,  and  mystery  to  men.  He 
was  the  "Raffles"  of  pioneer  days  and  legend  paints 
him  in  high  colors. 

Alexander  C.  Finley,  in  his  History  of  Russellville 
and  Logan  County,  Kentucky  -  a  unique  publication 
from  the  standpoint  of  its  style  -  says  Philip  Alston  was 


272  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

driven  out  of  the  South  and  settled  in  Logan  County 
about  1782.  A  few  years  later  "his  thirst  for  counter- 
feiting again  returned."  But  "feeling  insecure"  Alston 
moved  from  place  to  place  in  western  Kentucky. 
"About  1790  he  crossed  over  the  Ohio  and  became  the 
fast  friend  and  disciple  of  the  notorious  counterfeiter 
Sturdevant  [Duff?]  at  the  Cave-in-the-Rock.  But  he 
did  not  reside  here  long  before  he  came  to  himself  and 
wondered  how  he,  the  gentlemanly  Philip  Alston, 
although  an  elegant  counterfeiter,  could  have  become 
the  companion  of  outlaws,  robbers,  and  murderers  ... 
and  so  he  returned  to  Natchez."  35 

35  Finley  says  Philip  Alston  was  born  in  South  Carolina  and  in  early  man- 
hood became  "a  full  grown  counterfeiter."  After  living  in  Natchez  and 
"attaining  to  the  highest  respectability  ...  his  avaricious  eye  rested  on  a 
golden  image  of  the  Savior,  in  the  Catholic  Church,  .  .  .  and  he  went  im- 
mediately and  counterfeited  some  coins  from  it."  He  fled  from  Natchez  to 
Kentucky  and  settled  in  Logan  County,  where  he  established  a  salt  works  and 
store  at  Moat's  Lick.  While  running  these  he  managed  the  Cedar  House,  a 
tavern  near  Russellville.  He  also  farmed,  preached,  and  taught  school,  and 
incidentally  "flooded  the  country  with  spurious  money."  Thus  he  became, 
"not  only  the  first  farmer,  manufacturer,  and  merchant,  but  he  established 
the  first  depot  of  exchange  and  the  first  bank,  and  also  the  first  mint  in 
western  Kentucky."  About  1788,  "the  whole  people  rose  up  in  their  majesty 
and  banished  him."  He  next  appeared  in  Livingston  and  Henderson  counties 
and  then  fled  to  Cave-in-Rock.  After  a  short  stay  at  the  Cave  he  returned 
to  Natchez  where  "he  found  his  old  enemies,  who  became  his  fast  friends. 
He  rose  in  the  estimation  of  the  Spaniards  until  he  was  appointed  an  empre- 
sidio  of  Mexico,  when  in  the  midst  of  his  success  and  returning  fortune  death 
stepped  in  and  sealed  his  fate." 

Finley,  who  never  cites  authorities,  states  that  "Peter  Alston,  Philip 
Alston's  youngest  son,  became  an  outlaw  and  robber,  and  joined  Mason's 
band  at  Cave-in-the-Rock  and  was  allied  to  the  Harpes,  and  with  one  of  the 
Harpes  was  executed  at  Washington,  Mississippi  .  .  .  for  the  killing  of  his 
chief,  Mason,  for  the  reward."  No  records  have  been  found  that  contradict 
any  of  Finley's  statements,  except  the  one  to  the  effect  that  Peter  Alston 
killed  Samuel  Mason. 

Nancy  Huston  Banks  in  her  novel  'Round  Anvil  Rock  presents  Philip 
Alston  as  a  kind  but  mysterious  gentleman  who,  although  generally  trusted 
by  the  community,  is  regarded  by  some  with  suspicion  because  of  his  frequent 
absences  and  ever-replenished  supply  of  imported  cloth,  laces,  and  jewelry. 
In  the  novel  Alston  refers  to  Jean  Lafitte  as  "my  resepected  and  trusted 
friend,"  and  admits  that  he,  Alston,  makes  business  trips  to  Duff's  Fort,  near 


Coiners  at  the  Cave  273 

It  is  quite  likely  that  a  counterfeiter  named  Duff  had 
been  making  use  of  the  Cave  long  before  the  time  of 
Philip  Alston's  short  stay  at  the  place.  He  may  be 
regarded  as  Cave-in-Rock's  first  outlaw.  Neither  his- 
tory nor  tradition  has  preserved  Duff's  Christian  name. 
One  version  suggests  that  he  may  have  been  the  John 
Duff  who  met  George  Rogers  Clark  on  the  Ohio,  near 
Fort  Massac  in  June,  1778,  and  who,  after  some  bewil- 
derment, showed  General  Clark  the  way  to  Kaskaskia. 
It  is  not  improbable  that  the  two  were  one  and  the  same 
man.  At  any  rate,  very  little  is  known  of  John  Duff, 
the  guide,  or  of  Duff  the  coiner. 

Governor  Reynolds  in  My  Own  Times  and  Collins, 
in  his  History  of  Kentucky  devoted  only  a  few  lines  to 
Duff,  and  these  lines  pertain  to  his  death.  The  author 
of  A  History  of  Union  County,  Kentucky,  prints  some 
five  pages  on  his  career,  based  on  traditions  gathered  in 
1886.  Duff  apparently  lived  the  latter  part  of  his  life 
in  or  near  Cave-in-Rock  and  procured  his  lead  and 
silver  along  the  Saline  River  and  in  other  sections  of 
southern  Illinois.  He  evidently  operated  a  counter- 
feiter's den  in  different  places.  According  to  tradition, 
there  were  at  least  three  places  known  as  "Duff's  Fort:" 
one  was  at  Cave-in-Rock,  another  at  Caseyville,  Ken- 
tucky (near  the  mouth  of  Tradewater  River,  fourteen 
miles  above  the  Cave)  and  a  third  in  Illinois,  at  Island 
Ripple  on  Saline  River  (thirteen  miles  above  its  mouth 
and  about  twenty-eight  miles,  via  river  to  the  Cave). 
Like  all  outlaws  of  his  and  other  times,  Duff  was 
obliged  to  shift  his  headquarters.  It  is  probable  that 
some  of  the  localities  in  which  he  lived  no  longer  have 
any  traditions  regarding  his  activities  there. 

Cave-in-Rock,  although  "it  was  no  longer  a  secret  that  regular  stations  of 
outlawry  were  firmly  established  between  Natchez  on  the  one  side  and  Duff's 
Fort  on  the  other." 


274  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

In  1790,  Philip  Alston,  as  stated  by  Finley,  fled  to  the 
Cave  and  became  a  "fast  friend  and  disciple"  of  Duff. 
Collins,  in  his  chapter  on  Crittenden  County,  Kentucky, 
says  that  Duff  lived  near  the  mouth  of  Tradewater 
River  in  1799  and  then,  or  shortly  thereafter,  was  killed 
by  Shawnee  Indians  and  that  "there  was  reason  to  be- 
lieve some  one  residing  at  Fort  Massac  had  employed 
the  Indians  to  commit  the  crime."  Governor  Reynolds 
briefly  states  that  Duff  was  killed  "near  Island  Ripple 
in  the  Saline  Creek,  and  was  buried  near  the  old  salt 
spring,"  and  that  "it  was  supposed  the  Indians  were 
hired  to  commit  the  murder."  Just  where  he  was  killed 
cannot  be  ascertained  with  any  certainty  after  a  lapse 
of  so  many  years.  There  are  two  or  three  coves  or  small 
caves  on  Saline  below  Island  Ripple,  each  of  which  is 
known  as  Duff's  Cave,  and  each  has  a  local  tradition 
to  the  effect  that  Duff  was  killed  in  it. 

The  compiler  of  A  History  of  Union  County,  Ken- 
tucky, is  the  only  writer  who  has  gathered  any  Duff  tra- 
ditions, and  since  he  confined  his  research  to  the  stories 
told  in  and  near  Caseyville,  his  life  of  this  Cave-in- 
Rock  outlaw  does  not  branch  into  the  many  and  varied 
claims  made  in  local  traditions  of  other  sections.  Nev- 
ertheless, his  sketch  of  this  pioneer  and  counterfeiter  is 
one  that  might  be  accepted  as  typical  of  what  would  be 
found  in  the  other  localities  in  which  Duff  had  made 
his  headquarters.  In  sum  and  substance  the  story  runs 
as  follows: 

Duff  lived  in  a  house  called  "Duff's  Fort,"  which 
stood  near  what  later  became  the  old  site  of  the  Chris- 
tian Church  in  Caseyville.  Here  he  dispensed  a  rude 
but  cordial  hospitality.  On  the  bluff  above  was  his 
meadow.  The  overhanging  cliff  near  his  house  fur- 
nished a  shelter  for  his  horses.     The  shallow  cove  in 


Coiners  at  the  Cave  275 

which  they  stood  is  now  almost  filled  with  alluvial  soil 
deposited  by  the  little  brook  which  flows  near.  His 
household  consisted  of  his  wife  and  a  faithful  black 
slave  named  Pompey,  who  would  risk  anything  or 
undergo  any  hardship  for  his  master. 

It  is  said  that  Duff  was  a  brave  man  and  a  good  strat- 
egist; he  was  seldom  found  at  a  disadvantage.  He 
often  had  narrow  escapes  in  his  encounters  with  the 
officers  of  the  law  and  the  people  living  in  the  vicinity. 
On  one  occasion,  when  he  was  closely  pursued  by  his 
enemies,  he  ran  towards  his  home.  There  he  found  his 
wife  at  the  river  doing  the  family  washing.  Near  her 
was  a  large  iron  kettle,  in  which  she  was  boiling  clothes. 
Without  hesitation  Duff  upset  the  kettle,  rolled  it  into 
the  stream,  where  it  was  quickly  cooled,  and  lifting  the 
kettle  over  his  head,  he  plunged  into  the  water.  The 
river  was  low  at  this  point,  enabling  him  to  wade  most 
of  the  way  to  the  farther  bank.  Before  he  reached  the 
Illinois  shore,  however,  his  pursuers  appeared  on  the 
Kentucky  side  and  opened  fire.  Their  aim  was  well 
directed.  Several  of  the  bullets  struck  the  kettle,  but 
rebounded  without  injury  to  the  man  beneath.  On 
reaching  the  dry  land  he  took  the  kettle  from  his  head. 
Holding  it  behind  him  as  continued  protection,  he  ran 
for  safety.  The  pursuers  increased  their  fire.  More 
bullets  rained  upon  the  impromptu  shield  -  but  Duff 
escaped  unhurt  to  the  shelter  of  the  woods. 

On  another  occasion  when  sorely  pressed  he  took 
refuge  with  a  Mrs.  Hammack,  who  was  an  old-time 
Methodist  living  in  that  part  of  the  country.  She 
treated  him  so  kindly  that  he  decided  to  let  her  have  a 
glimpse  of  his  hidden  treasures.  On  the  appointed  day 
he  blindfolded  her  and  his  wife  and  led  them  by  a  very 
circuitous  route  to  a  cave.    After  they  were  in  the  mys- 


276  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

terious  cave  he  removed  the  bandages  from  their  eyes 
and,  by  the  light  of  torches,  the  two  women  were  en- 
abled to  see  the  large  quantities  of  counterfeit  silver 
and  gold  coins  in  boxes  and  chests  stored  by  Duff.  He 
then  replaced  the  bandages  and  took  the  two  women 
back  to  Mrs.  Hammack's  house.  Mrs.  Hammack's  im- 
pression was  that  the  cave  ran  into  the  side  of  a  cliff  but, 
notwithstanding  many  efforts,  she  was  never  able  to 
retrace  her  steps  to  the  place.  Mrs.  Duff  related,  after 
her  husband's  death,  that  he  had  taken  her  from  their 
home  to  the  cave  on  another  occasion  and  in  the  same 
manner.  He  then  promised  her  that  he  would  some 
day  show  her  the  way  to  his  cave,  but  explained  at  the 
time  that  he  could  not  then  do  so,  for  his  enemies  might 
torture  her  into  a  disclosure  of  his  location  when  he 
was  in  it.  His  intentions  were  frustrated  by  his  sudden 
death.  There  are  three  different  accounts  of  Duff's 
death  given  by  local  tradition. 

One  version  has  it  that  he  was  killed  by  some  of  the 
citizens  of  the  county,  near  the  bluff  where  he  quartered 
his  horses.  According  to  this  account,  a  number  of  men 
were  pursuing  him  and  when  he  showed  fight  they  were 
obliged  to  shoot  him.  Another  says  he  was  killed  by 
Indians  with  whom  he  had  quarreled  about  a  dog  fight. 
The  following  is  the  version  most  widely  accepted : 

Duff,  three  of  his  associates,  and  his  slave  Pompey, 
while  in  Illinois  securing  white  metal,  were  surprised 
by  about  six  soldiers  sent  from  Golconda,  Illinois,  or 
some  other  point  below  Cave-in-Rock.  The  counter- 
feiters were  captured  and  taken  down  the  river  in  a 
boat.  Handcuffs  were  placed  upon  all  the  white  pris- 
oners. Pompey  had  not  been  manacled  because  the 
soldiers  carried  only  four  sets  of  irons  and,  further- 
more, they  presumed  the  negro  cared  little  whether 


Coiners  at  the  Cave  277 

his  master  was  doomed.  Near  Cave-in-Rock  they 
stopped  for  dinner.  When  they  landed,  all  the  soldiers 
went  ashore  except  one  who  was  left  in  charge  of  the 
prisoners  and  the  boat.  After  stacking  their  arms  near 
the  boat,  they  went  into  the  Cave  to  build  a  fire  and  pre- 
pare the  meal. 

One  of  the  prisoners  whispered  to  Duff  that  he  found 
he  could  slip  his  irons  off.  Pompey  hearing  this,  passed 
a  file  to  him  and,  taking  advantage  of  the  absence  of  the 
guard,  who  went  ashore  for  a  few  minutes,  he  filed 
away  at  Duff's  fetters  and  soon  succeeded  in  breaking 
them.  At  a  signal,  Pompey  sprang  upon  the  guard  and 
tied  him  to  a  tree  and  then  proceeded  to  liberate  the  two 
men  chained  in  the  boat.  Duff  and  the  other  unfettered 
prisoner  immediately  seized  the  stacked  arms  and 
rushed  upon  the  men  in  the  Cave  who,  having  no  side 
arms,  were  forced  to  an  unconditional  surrender. 

Some  of  the  soldiers  were  tied  and  others  secured 
with  irons  and  all  thrown  into  the  boat  and  set  afloat. 
They  drifted  down  the  river  and,  as  they  were  floating 
opposite  the  fort  from  which  they  had  been  sent,  they 
were  ordered  to  stop,  but  of  course  could  not  do  so. 
They  were  fired  upon  a  number  of  times  before  the 
commander  discovered  their  helpless  condition.  He 
then  sent  out  a  skiff  and  brought  them  ashore.  In  the 
meantime,  Duff  and  his  companions  had  made  their 
way  up  the  river  to  the  Saline  and  had  got  safely 
home  again. 

The  inglorious  outcome  of  this  expedition  greatly 
incensed  the  commander  of  the  fort  and  he  was  determ- 
ined upon  revenge.  He  accordingly  hired  a  Canadian 
and  three  Indians  to  go  up  the  river  to  Duff's  Fort  and 
kill  him.  They  were  to  ingratiate  themselves  into  the 
good  graces  of  the  counterfeiter  and  watch  their  oppor- 


278  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

tunity  to  kill  him.  If  they  succeeded  they  were  to 
return  and  receive  a  reward. 

They  arrived  in  Duffs  neighborhood  and  camped 
below  his  house.  The  Canadian  soon  became  friendly 
with  Duff,  who  did  not  suspect  the  object  of  his  pres- 
ence, and  was  invited  to  his  house.  The  genial  hospi- 
tality of  the  counterfeiter  was  fatal  to  the  Canadian's 
plan,  and  each  day  he  found  himself  less  inclined  to 
carry  out  his  murderous  scheme.  Meanwhile  the  In- 
dians were  becoming  impatient.  One  evening  they 
informed  the  Canadian  that  they  had  concluded  to  kill 
Duff  the  next  day,  whether  he  helped  or  not.  He  then 
decided  to  put  Duff  upon  his  guard. 

The  next  morning,  although  Duff  was  drinking 
rather  heavily,  the  Canadian  disclosed  the  plot  to  him. 
Duff,  seizing  a  stick,  rushed  from  the  house,  swearing 
he  would  whip  the  Indians  with  it  and  drive  them  off. 
He  met  them  coming  towards  his  house,  painted  and 
armed  for  a  conflict.  Pompey,  recognizing  the  danger 
his  master  was  facing,  rushed  to  him  with  a  loaded  gun, 
but  before  it  could  be  used  the  Indians  shot  Duff  and 
his  slave.  "The  leader  having  fallen,"  says  the  author 
of  A  History  of  Union  County,  Kentucky,  in  conclud- 
ing his  account  of  Duff,  "the  rest  of  the  gang  were 
speedily  dispersed."  36 

About  a  generation  after  the  days  of  Duff  there  ap- 
peared upon  the  scene  a  man  named  Sturdevant,  whose 

36  Duff  secured  metal  from  the  veins  of  lead  ore  on  the  Saline  and,  as  it 
contained  a  little  silver,  he  separated  the  silver  from  the  lead  as  best  he 
could  and  made  counterfeit  coins.  In  this  connection  the  author  of  A  History 
of  Union  County,  Kentucky,  further  comments: 

"The  traditions  of  Duff's  great  wealth  have  acted  upon  many  of  the 
citizens  of  Caseyville  much  as  the  tales  of  Captain  Kidd's  plunder  affected 
the  inhabitants  of  Long  Island.  Youthful  imaginations  have  been  inflamed 
with  thoughts  of  the  fabulous  wealth  stored  away  in  some  cavern  along  the 
Caseyville  cliffs.  Many  a  ramble  has  turned  into  a  search  for  the  caves  in 
that  vicinity,  but  so  far  as  the  public  knows,  none  of  them  has  ever  eventu- 
ated in  any  discoveries." 


Coiners  at  the  Cave  279 

counterfeiting  career  continued  in  the  Cave-in-Rock 
country  until  1831.  In  the  mean  time  the  flatboat 
pirates  who  had  used  the  Cave  as  their  headquarters 
had  disappeared  and  the  mysterious  Ford's  Ferry  band 
was  drifting  towards  its  dispersement. 

The  identity  of  Sturdevant  is  as  vague  as  that  of  Duff. 
Tradition  has  it  that  Sturdevant  did  not  counterfeit 
money  in  the  Cave  but  that,  beginning  about  1825,  and 
for  a  short  time  thereafter,  he  used  the  "House  of 
Nature"  as  a  "Banking  House  of  Exchange."  There 
he  met  his  confederates  and  exchanged,  at  an  agreed 
rate,  some  of  the  counterfeit  money  he  made  in  his 
fortified  home  nine  miles  below  the  Cave.  Judge 
James  Hall,  in  his  Sketches  of  the  West,  published  in 
1835,  devotes  two  pages  to  Sturdevant.  His  is  the  best 
of  the  few  published  accounts.  It  is  well  worth  quoting 
in  full : 

"At  a  later  period  [that  is,  after  Mason's  time]  the 
celebrated  counterfeiter,  Sturdevant,  fixed  his  residence 
on  the  shore  of  the  Ohio,  in  Illinois,  and  for  several 
years  set  the  laws  at  defiance.  He  was  a  man  of  talent 
and  address.  He  was  possessed  of  much  mechanical 
genius,  was  an  expert  artist  and  was  skilled  in  some  of 
the  sciences.  As  an  engraver  he  was  said  to  have  few 
superiors;  and  he  excelled  in  some  other  branches  of 
art.  For  several  years  he  resided  at  a  secluded  spot  in 
Illinois,  where  all  his  immediate  neighbors  were  his 
confederates  or  persons  whose  friendship  he  had  con- 
ciliated. He  could,  at  any  time,  by  the  blowing  of  a 
horn,  summon  some  fifty  to  a  hundred  armed  men  to 
his  defense;  while  the  few  quiet  farmers  around,  who 
lived  near  enough  to  get  their  feelings  enlisted  and  who 
were  really  not  at  all  implicated  in  his  crimes,  rejoiced 
in  the  impunity  with  which  he  practiced  his  schemes. 
He  was  a  grave,  quiet,  inoffensive  man  in  his  manners, 


280  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

who  commanded  the  obedience  of  his  comrades  and  the 
respect  of  his  neighbors.  He  had  a  very  excellent  farm ; 
his  house  was  one  of  the  best  in  the  country;  his  domes- 
tic arrangements  were  liberal  and  well  ordered. 

"Yet  this  man  was  the  most  notorious  counterfeiter 
that  ever  infested  our  country  and  carried  on  his  nefari- 
ous art  to  an  extent  which  no  other  person  has  ever  at- 
tempted. His  confederates  were  scattered  over  the 
whole  western  country,  receiving  through  regular  chan- 
nels of  intercourse  their  supplies  of  counterfeit  bank 
notes,  for  which  they  paid  a  stipulated  price  -  sixteen 
dollars  in  cash  for  a  hundred  dollars  in  counterfeit  bills. 
His  security  arose,  partly  from  his  caution  in  not  allow- 
ing his  subordinates  to  pass  a  counterfeit  bill,  or  to  do 
any  other  unlawful  act  in  the  state  in  which  he  lived, 
and  in  his  obliging  them  to  be  especially  careful  of  their 
deportment  in  the  county  of  his  residence,  measures 
which  effectually  protected  him  from  the  civil  author- 
ity. Although  all  the  counterfeit  bank  notes  with  which 
a  vast  region  was  inundated  were  made  in  his  house, 
that  fact  could  never  be  proved  by  legal  evidence.  But 
he  secured  himself  further  by  having  settled  around  him 
a  band  of  his  lawless  dependents  who  were  ready  at  all 
times  to  fight  in  his  defense;  and  by  his  conciliatory 
conduct,  which  prevented  his  having  any  violent  ene- 
mies. He  even  enlisted  the  sympathies  of  many  reput- 
able people  in  his  favor.  But  he  became  a  great  nui- 
sance from  the  immense  quantity  of  spurious  paper 
which  he  threw  into  circulation ;  and  although  he  never 
committed  any  acts  of  violence  himself,  and  is  not 
known  to  have  sanctioned  any,  the  unprincipled  felons 
by  whom  he  was  surrounded  were  guilty  of  many  acts 
of  desperate  atrocity;  and  Sturdevant,  though  he  es- 
caped from  the  arm  of  the  law,  was  at  last,  with  all  his 


Coiners  at  the  Cave  281 

confederates,  driven  from  the  country  by  the  enraged 
people,  who  rose,  almost  in  mass,  to  rid  themselves  of 
one  whose  presence  they  had  long  considered  an  evil  as 
well  as  a  disgrace." 

Governor  Reynolds  notes  that  in  1831  Sturdevant's 
fort  was  attacked  by  some  Regulators,  and  that  one 
Regulator  and  three  counterfeiters  were  killed,  and 
"the  suspected  gang  broken  up." 

James  A.  Rose  in  his  article  on  "The  Regulators  and 
Flatheads  in  Southern  Illinois"  says:  "Regulators 
descended  on  the  Sturdevant  stronghold  only  to  find 
that  their  movements  had  been  spied  upon  and  that  they 
were  expected.  A  number  of  shots  were  exchanged; 
finally  a  charge  was  made  on  the  stockade  and  the  door 
broken  down.  They  found,  however,  that  a  small  piece 
of  artillery  was  trained  on  the  stairway  leading  to  the 
Sturdevant  stronghold,  and  a  halt  was  called  and  rein- 
forcements asked  for.  During  the  night  Sturdevant 
and  his  band  of  criminals  managed  to  make  their 
escape.  This  is  one  of  the  earliest  records  of  the  citi- 
zens of  this  region  taking  the  law  into  their  own  hands." 

Sturdevant  was  never  again  heard  of  in  that  or  any 
other  locality.  What  became  of  him  is  not  known. 
This  attack  on  his  headquarters  ended  forever  counter- 
feiting in  the  Cave-in-Rock  country.364 

36a  Sturdevant's  stockaded  fort  stood  on  the  long  bluff  immediately  above 
what  later  became  the  town  of  Rosiclare,  Illinois,  and  commanded  a  good 
view  of  the  Ohio.  Dr.  Daniel  Lawrence,  of  Golconda,  saw  the  ruins  of  the 
Sturdevant  house  as  late  as  1876.  The  place  had  then  been  in  a  dilapidated 
condition  for  some  time,  but  enough  remained  to  show  that  in  its  day  it  was 
a  substantial  log  structure,  a  story  and  a  half  high,  with  three  rooms  on  the 
ground  floor,  including  a  log  L  on  the  north  side.  Digging  into  some  of  the 
old  logs,  he  discovered  many  small  holes  made  by  bullets.  A  new  stone 
quarry  was  in  operation  at  the  time  of  his  visit  and  he  was  present  when  a 
blast  blew  out  of  a  crevice  a  set  of  dies  for  making  counterfeit  half  dollars. 
The  foreman  took  the  plates  home  for  souvenirs,  but  their  whereabouts  is 
now  unknown. 


The  Ford's  Ferry  Mystery 

After  Mason  left  Cave-in-Rock  other  outlaws  still 
continued  to  use  the  cavern  as  a  temporary  stopping 
place  or  headquarters.  An  outlaw's  stay  at  any  place  is 
of  necessity  short.  Mason,  in  1797,  had  lived  there 
longer  than  any  other.  Those  who  followed  him  were 
more  or  less  migratory.  Residents  in  the  vicinity  were 
in  no  way  implicated  in  the  various  acts  that  made  the 
Cave  so  notoriously  dangerous,  until  the  mysterious 
Ford's  Ferry  band  began  its  robberies.  Since  1834, 
when  that  organization  ceased  its  operations,  the  Cave 
has  never  been  identified  with  outlawry. 

To  what  extent  James  Ford,  the  owner  of  Ford's 
Ferry  -  a  crossing  place  on  the  Ohio  two  and  one-half 
miles  above  the  Cave -was  connected  with  this  organi- 
zation was  not  revealed  in  his  day  nor  since,  and  it  is 
not  at  all  likely  that  it  will  ever  be  determined.  He  is 
more  frequently  discussed  in  tradition,  and  his  life  is 
the  subject  of  a  greater  variety  of  opinions  than  that  of 
any  other  man  connected  with  the  tragedies  of  the  Cave- 
in  -Rock  country.  According  to  one  version,  "Jim  Ford 
was  as  black  as  some  have  painted  him,"  and,  according 
to  another,  his  connection  with  the  mysterious  band  had 
the  effect  of  preventing  bad  men  from  committing  more 
crimes  than  they  would  have  if  his  influence  had  not 
acted  as  a  restraint. 

A  careful  study  of  the  few  written  records  and  the 
many  varied  oral  traditions  pertaining  to  Ford,  indi- 
cates that  when  he  reached  the  prime  of  life  conditions 


284  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

had  undergone  many  changes.  Outlaws  were  no  longer 
in  a  position  to  carry  on  their  depredations  with  the 
freedom  that  attended  the  earlier  days.  Population 
had  increased,  and  with  that  increase  came  a  better 
reign  of  law.  The  line  between  law-abiding  and  law- 
breaking  citizens  was  rapidly  widening.  For  about  ten 
years,  ending  in  1833,  Ford  apparently  stood  between 
the  two,  and  kept  in  close  touch  with  both.  By  ming- 
ling with  the  upright  citizens  he  held  in  some  measure 
the  respect  of  the  community,  and  by  acting  as  one  of 
the  leaders  of  the  highwaymen  he  reaped  a  share  of 
their  booty.  In  serving  the  two  opposing  classes  he 
faced,  and  finally  met,  the  fate  common  to  such  men. 

His  education  and  appearance,  and  his  public  activi- 
ties, gained  for  him  the  confidence  of  the  community 
and  the  standing  of  a  trustworthy  man,  which  he  held 
until  toward  the  close  of  his  life.  Before  he  died  many 
of  his  fellow-citizens  began  regarding  him  with  more 
or  less  suspicion,  and  he  soon  became  a  man  of  mys- 
tery. After  his  death  his  career  was  extensively  dis- 
cussed throughout  the  lower  Ohio  valley.  Our  account 
is  confined  principally  to  court  records  and  oral  tradi- 
tions. These  old  records,  as  far  as  known,  have  not 
been  cited  heretofore  by  anyone  attempting  to  tell  the 
story  of  James  Ford. 

Tradition  has  it  that  James  Ford  was  born  some  time 
during  the  latter  part  of  the  Revolution.  His  father, 
it  is  said,  was  a  Revolutionary  soldier  and  moved  with 
his  son  to  western  Kentucky  about  1803.  Thus  he  ap- 
peared in  the  Cave-in-Rock  country  about  half  a  dozen 
years  after  the  Masons  and  Little  Harpe  had  gone 
south,  but  was  living  in  the  neighborhood  when  "Jim 
Wilson"  and  some  of  the  other  outlaws  were  holding 
forth  at  the  Cave.    His  home  was  a  half-mile  southwest 


The  Ford's  Ferry  Mystery  285 

of  what  is  now  the  village  of  Tolu,  Crittenden  County, 
Kentucky.  It  was  a  mile  from  the  Ohio  and  the  head 
of  the  notorious  Hurricane  Island,  about  eight  miles 
below  Ford's  Ferry  and  five  miles  below  Cave-in-Rock. 
Ford  owned  a  number  of  good  farms  in  what  was  then 
northern  Livingston,  now  Crittenden  County.  So  well 
was  he  known  along  the  lower  Ohio  that  Samuel  Cum- 
ing's Western  Navigator,  published  in  1822,  designates 
the  river  landing  near  his  home  as  "Major  Ford's."  The 
old  court  records  preserved  at  Smithland  show  that  he 
was  a  justice  of  the  peace  in  181 5  and  held  the  office  a 
number  of  times  thereafter,  and  that  practically  every 
suggestion  made  before  the  county  court  "on  motion  of 
James  Ford"  was  carried.  He  frequently  served  as 
appraiser  and  administrator  of  estates.  Through  these 
and  other  acts  of  trust  he  gained  the  prestige  of  a  desir- 
able citizen.  The  improvement  of  roads  was  encour- 
aged by  him,  especially  those  leading  to  Ford's  Ferry. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  chapters  of  the  mystery 
surrounding  Ford's  Ferry  may  be  found  in  a  book  of 
personal  reminiscences  and  local  traditions  of  Cave-in- 
Rock  and  its  vicinity  disguised  as  historical  fiction  and 
called  Chronicles  of  a  Kentucky  Settlement.  Its  author, 
William  Courtney  Watts,  who  possessed  an  excellent 
education,  was  a  very  successful  man  of  international 
business  experience,  born  at  Smithland,  Kentucky,  near 
Cave-in-Rock.  Much  of  his  information  came  directly 
from  his  father  and  other  pioneer  settlers. 

Among  the  men  who  figure  in  the  romance,  and 
whom  Watts  personally  knew,  was  Dr.  Charles  H. 
Webb,  of  Livingston  County,  of  which  Smithland  is 
the  seat.  Dr.  Webb  married  Cassandra  Ford,  the 
daughter  of  James  Ford.  He  related  the  story  of  his 
life  to  Watts  and  thus  contributed  a  chapter  to  history 


286  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 


that  stands  alone.  There  exists  in  more  or  less  abund- 
ance printed  data  relative  to  some  of  the  methods  em- 
ployed by  the  bands  of  robbers  at  Cave-in-Rock  to 
entice  boats  to  land  at  the  Cave  and  get  possession  of 
victims.  All  these,  however,  are,  as  already  observed, 
stories  based  on  statements  made,  not  by  men  who  spoke 
from  actual  observation,  but  by  persons  who  had  heard 
others  relate  another  man's  experience.  In  Dr.  Webb 
we  actually  touch  hands  with  a  well-known  and  highly 
respected  citizen  who  was  lured  to  the  Cave  by  some  of 
the  tricks  suggested  -  tricks  regarding  which  few  lived 
to  tell  the  tale  and  of  which  nobody  else  left  any  direct 
authoritative  account. 

Dr.  Charles  H.  Webb  and  his  brother  John,  both 
young  men,  left  South  Carolina  in  1822  for  Phila- 
delphia and  shortly  thereafter  set  out  for  the  West  in 
search  of  fortune,  with  St.  Louis  as  their  destination. 
At  Cave-in-Rock,  on  their  way  down  the  Ohio,  they 
met  their  great  adventure  and  were  separated  as  the 
narrative  records.  Dr.  Webb,  having  lost  all,  settled 
at  Salem.  There  he  subsequently  met  and  knew  Watts. 
The  two  became  fast  friends  when  Watts,  much  the 
younger  of  the  two,  had  grown  up.  It  was  from  Dr. 
Webb,  in  the  flower  of  his  middle  age,  that  Watts  had 
this  story : 

"My  brother  and  I  descended  the  Ohio  River  from 
Pittsburgh  to  Louisville  in  a  flatboat,  and  after  remain- 
ing a  few  days  in  Louisville  we  again  started  on  another 
flatboat,  intending  to  go  on  it  as  far  as  the  mouth  of  the 
Ohio  River  or  near  there.  .  .  The  boat,  a  'broad- 
horn/  was  in  charge  of  one  Jonathan  Lumley,  who 
owned  a  large  proportion  of  the  cargo  which  consisted 
of  corn,  provisions,  and  whiskey.  With  Mr.  Lumley 
were  three  other  stout  young  men  as  hands,  making, 


The  Ford's  Ferry  Mystery  287 

with  my  brother  and  myself,  who  had  agreed  to  work 
our  way  for  food  and  passage,  six  persons  on  board. 

"Day  after  day  as  we  floated  along,  the  better  I  got 
acquainted  with  my  companions  and  the  more  I  found 
that,  under  a  rough  exterior,  they  were  warm-hearted, 
generous,  and  confiding  fellows,  equally  ready  for  a  jig 
or  a  knock-down,  for  a  shooting  match  or  a  drinking 
bout,  for  a  song  or  a  sermon. 

"I  was  playing  on  my  flute  as  our  boat  was  nearing 
Cave-in-Rock,  and  when  within  full  view  of  the  high 
rocky  bluff,  at  the  base  of  which  is  the  entrance  of  the 
Cave,  we  observed  a  woman  on  the  top  of  the  bluff  hail- 
ing us  by  waving  a  white  cloth,  whereupon  our  captain, 
as  we  called  Mr.  Lumley,  ordered  us  to  pull  in  close  to 
shore,  within  easy  speaking  distance,  so  as  to  learn  what 
was  wanted. 

"Presently  a  man  came  from  the  entrance  of  the  Cave, 
and  called  out:  'Hey,  Cap!  have  you  enny  bacon  or 
whiskey  on  board?' 

"  'I  -yieP  shouted  back  our  captain. 

"  Won't  yer  land?  We're  short  on  rations  here,  an' 
want  ter  buy  right  smart!'  said  the  man. 

"  'Goin'  to  the  lower  Mississippi!'  answered  our  cap- 
tain, 'and  don't  want  to  break  bulk  so  high  up.' 

"  'But,  Cap,  we'ud  be  mi'ty  obleeged  ef  you'd  Ian'. 
An'  we've  got  a  woman  here  and  a  boy  who  want  pas- 
sage down  ter  the  mouth  er  Cumberlan'.  They've  bin 
waitin'  a  long  time,  an'll  pay  passage.' 

"  'All  right  then,'  replied  the  captain,  'I'll  land;  but 
let  them  come  aboard  at  once.' 

"And  land  we  did  some  two  hundred  yards  below  the 
Cave,  when  the  captain  and  three  others -my  brother 
being  one  of  them  -  went  ashore  and  walked  up  to  the 
entrance.     After  waiting  for  more  than  an  hour,  and 


288  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

none  of  our  men  returning,  I  asked  my  remaining 
companion  to  go  up  to  the  Cave  and  see  what  was  de- 
taining them.  Another  hour  passed  away;  the  sun  had 
gone  down,  and  night,  with  clouds,  was  rapidly  coming 
on. 

"I  began  to  feel  uneasy,  and  to  add  to  my  uneasiness, 
a  large  dog  which  we  had  on  board  began  howling  most 
dismally.  Presently,  by  the  dim  twilight,  I  saw  three 
men  approaching  the  boat  from  the  Cave.  At  first  I 
thought  them  a  part  of  our  crew,  but  I  was  soon  unde- 
ceived, for  they  came  on  board,  and  with  pistols  drawn, 
demanded  my  surrender.  Resistance  was  useless;  my 
arms  were  soon  bound  behind  my  back,  and  I  was  told 
that  if  I  made  any  row  my  brains  would  be  blown  out. 
I  asked  about  my  friends  but  was  only  told  that  they 
were  'all  right,'  that  the  captain  had  'sold  the  boat  and 
cargo,'  and  that  what  little  information  they  had  given 
was  'enough'  for  me  'to  know.' 

"I  was  then  blindfolded,  and  when  my  money  had 
been  taken  from  me,  I  was  assisted-I  should  say  lifted— 
into  a  skiff,  into  which  two  of  the  three  men,  so  I 
thought,  entered.  I  begged  to  know  what  had  become 
of  my  brother,  and  told  them  that  he  and  I  were  passen- 
gers on  the  boat  and  no  part  of  the  crew  proper.  I  did 
this  hoping  that  if  they  knew  we  were  passengers  and 
had  no  direct  interest  in  the  boat  and  cargo  they  would 
think  us  less  likely  to  return  to  the  Cave  and  molest 
them.  But  the  only  answer  I  got  was  that  the  'fewer 
questions'  I  asked  the  better  it  would  be  for  me,  'by  a 
d sight.' 

"The  skiff  was  then  rowed  away  -  in  what  direction  I 
could  not  tell,  but  in  some  five  minutes  there  was  a 
pause  in  the  rowing,  and  soon  a  slight  jar  as  of  two 
skiffs  coming  together,  followed  by  a  conversation  in 


The  Ford's  Ferry  Mystery  289 

low  tones,  the  purport  of  which  I  could  not  catch. 
Very  soon,  however,  one  of  the  men  approached  me  and 
whispered  in  my  ear.  There  seemed  to  be  a  remnant  of 
mercy  in  the  intonations  of  his  words,  rather  than  in  the 
words  themselves.  He  said:  'We're  goin'  ter  vi'late 
orders  a  little,  an'  turn  yer  loose  here  in  the  middle  er 
the  river.    An'  the  f urder  yer  float  away  f rum  here  'fore 

yer  make  enny  noise,  the  better  for  yer  by  a  d 

sight.  Yer'd  better  lay  low  an'  keep  dark  till  mornin' 
comes.'  The  speaker  then  slackened  the  cords  that 
bound  my  arms,  after  which  he  again  whispered :  'Yer 
ken  work  'em  loose  when  we're  gone,  say  in  'bout  an 
hour,  but  not  sooner,  er  yer  may  get  inter  trouble.  An' 
don't  yer  never  come  back  here  to  ax  enny  questions,  or 
yer'll  fare  worse,  an'  do  nobody  enny  good.' 

"The  man  then  left  me  seated  in  the  stern  of  the  skiff, 
and  I  could  tell  from  the  motion  and  the  rattling  of  a 
chain  that  a  second  boat  was  being  pulled  along  side  it, 
into  which  the  man  stepped,  leaving  me  alone.  I 
strained  my  ears  to  catch  the  slightest  sound,  but  I  could 
neither  hear  the  click  of  oars  nor  the  dip  of  a  paddle; 
the  latter,  however,  might  have  been  used  so  noiselessly 
as  to  be  unheard.  I  was  therefore  in  doubt.  I  thought 
possibly  the  other  boat  might  be  floating  close  to  me  and 
that  I  was  being  watched.  This  brought  to  my  mind 
the  man's  caution  not  to  try  to  free  my  arms  for  an 
hour.  I  therefore,  remained  quiet  for  about  that  length 
of  time.  No  sound  reached  me  except  the  moaning  of 
the  night  winds  among  the  forest  trees  that  lined  each 
shore,  the  occasional  barking  of  wolves,  and  the  weird 
cry  of  night-fowls  -  particularly  the  blood-curdling 
hooting  of  great  owls.     .     . 

"After  a  long  and  painful  effort  I  succeeded  in  releas- 
ing my  arms  and  freeing  my  eyes  from  the  bandage. 


290  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

Looking  around  I  found  the  heavens  overcast:  the  night 
was  so  intensely  dark  that  I  could  see  only  a  dim  outline 
of  the  shore.  I  discovered  there  were  neither  oars  nor 
paddle  in  the  skiff,  but  I  was  floating  some  two  or  three 
miles  an  hour,  and  it  might  be  many  hours  before  I 
would  pass  any  habitation.  I  therefore  made  up  my 
mind  to  lie  down  in  the  skiff,  try  to  get  some  sleep  and 
await  the  coming  of  morn.  But  the  distant  growling 
thunder  was  creeping  nearer  and  nearer;  flash  after 
flash  lit  up  the  heavens,  followed  by  almost  deafening 
discharges  that  rolled,  crashed,  and  reverberated  along 
the  river  and  among  the  forests,  which  moaned  and 
groaned  under  the  pressure  of  the  rising  wind.  The 
waves  in  the  river  were  momentarily  increasing,  and 
were  dashing  my  little  skiff  about  in  a  way  that  was 
alarming.     .     . 

"I  knew  if  the  downpour  continued  for  many  minutes 
my  skiff  would  fill  and  sink.  There  was  but  one  way  to 
bail  it  out -to  use  one  of  my  thick  leather  shoes  as  a 
scoop.  I  worked  manfully  while  the  rain  lasted,  which, 
fortunately,  was  not  for  more  than  an  hour. 

"The  long  night  finally  passed,  but  the  heavens  were 
still  overcast.  I  peered  along  both  banks  -  looked,  hop- 
ing to  see  smoke  curling  above  some  cabin  chimney - 
but  there  was  no  sign  of  human  habitation.  Occasion- 
ally I  raised  my  voice  to  its  highest  pitch  -  gave  a  loud 
halloo  -  but  no  answering  voice  was  returned.  How- 
ever, about  an  hour  later,  I  saw  an  island  ahead  of  me; 
it  was  evidently  inhabited,  for  notwithstanding  the 
leaden  aspect  of  the  skies,  I  could  see  smoke  ascending 
from  among  the  trees.  I  used  my  hands  as  paddles  as 
vigorously  as  I  could  so  as  to  drift  against  the  head  of 
the  island,  and  in  this  I  succeeded.  Having  secured 
my  boat,  I  soon  found  the  cabin,  and  was  kindly  re- 


The  Ford's  Ferry  Mystery  291 

ceived  by  a  Mr.  Prior  and  his  wife  who  gave  me  a  good 
breakfast.  I  told  them  of  my  misfortune,  and  they  ex- 
pressed much  sympathy  for  me.  Mr.  Prior,  who  seemed 
to  be  an  honest  and  intelligent  man,  told  me  that  he 
was  one  of  the  earliest  settlers  in  those  parts.  He  said 
he  had  often  heard  of  the  depredations  of  the  Wilson 
gang  about  the  Cave  and  that  I  was  lucky  to  have  es- 
caped with  my  life.  He  advised  me  to  stop  at  Smith- 
land,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Cumberland  River,  where  I 
might  obtain  assistance  and  directions  as  to  what  was 
best  for  me  to  do.  Mr.  Prior  then  made  me  a  paddle 
out  of  a  clapboard,  and  bidding  him  and  his  kind  wife 
goodbye  I  returned  to  my  skiff,  pushed  off,  and  that 
evening  arrived  in  Smithland." 

At  Smithland  young  Webb  was  directed  to  Salem, 
"which  then  contained  a  population,  white  and  black, 
of  about  two  hundred  and  fifty."  There,  in  turn,  he  was 
advised  by  Judge  Dixon  Given  to  consult  Colonel  Ar- 
thur Love  relative  to  the  best  method  of  gaining  infor- 
mation regarding  his  brother  who  had  been  captured 
at  the  Cave.  Colonel  Love,  a  highly  esteemed  citizen, 
lived  a  few  miles  from  the  home  of  James  Ford,  who 
was  suspected  by  many  of  being  a  leader  of  the  Cave- 
in-Rock  band.  No  crime,  however,  had  ever  been 
traced  to  Ford  "with  sufficient  clearness  to  cause  his 
arrest  and  trial."  On  his  way  to  Colonel  Love's  farm 
Webb  fell  from  his  horse  and  sprained  his  ankle,  and 
it  so  happened  that  Cassandra  Ford,  daughter  of  James 
Ford,  found  the  helpless  young  man  lying  in  the  road. 
She  took  him  to  her  home,  and  he  soon  discovered  he 
was  in  the  house  of  the  very  man  he  dreaded  most. 
But  his  fears  rapidly  vanished,  for  his  rescuer  had 
become  very  much  attached  to  him  and  he  to  her.  He 
was  shown  the  flute  of  which  he  had  been  robbed  near 


292  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

the  Cave.  The  mother  and  daughter  revealed  to  him 
the  fact  that  they,  like  many  of  their  neighbors,  felt 
somewhat  suspicious  that  James  Ford  was,  in  some 
way,  connected  with  the  notorious  crowd  at  the  Cave. 
Ford,  who  was  away  from  home  much  of  his  time,  did 
not  return  until  about  a  week  after  the  crippled  man 
was  admitted.  Then  Webb  saw  "the  masterful,  self- 
willed,  dreaded,  and  almost  outlawed  man."  He  gave 
a  description  of  him  as  he  appeared  at  that  time: 

"He  was  about  six  feet  in  height,  and  of  powerful 
build,  a  perfect  Hercules  in  point  of  strength ;  but  he 
has  now  grown  too  corpulent  to  undergo  much  fatigue. 
His  head  is  large  and  well  shaped;  his  sandy  brown 
hair,  now  thin,  is  turning  gray,  for  he  must  be  fully 
fifty  years  old ;  his  eyes,  of  a  steel-gray  color,  are  bril- 
liant and  his  glance  quick  and  penetrating;  his  nose 
rather  short  and  thick;  his  upper  lip  remarkably  long, 
his  mouth  large,  and  his  lips  full  and  sensuous.  He 
has  a  broad,  firm,  double  chin,  and  his  voice  is  deep  and 
sonorous.  His  complexion  is  very  florid,  and  he  con- 
verses fluently.  On  the  whole,  when  in  repose,  he  gives 
one  the  idea  of  a  good  natured,  rather  than  a  surly, 
bulldog;  but,  if  aroused,  I  should  say  he  would  be  a 
lion  tamer." 

When  Webb's  foot  was  sufficiently  healed  to  permit 
his  leaving  the  Ford  home  he  took  his  flute  and  crutches 
and  returned  to  Salem.  Shortly  thereafter  he  made  the 
first  of  his  many  calls  on  Miss  Ford.  In  the  meantime, 
learning  that  his  brother  had  been  allowed  to  depart 
from  the  Cave  unhurt,  he  wrote  letters  to  various  places 
and  finally  located  him.  Later  he  "went  to  Fort  Mas- 
sac on  a  flatboat  and  from  there  walked  to  St.  Louis," 
where  he  found  his  brother  established  in  business.  The 
two  spent  several  months  together  in  the  city  and,  ac- 


The  Ford's  Ferry  Mystery  293 

cording  to  the  story  as  related  in  Chronicles,  it  was 
during  his  absence  from  Kentucky  that  Ford,  the  "al- 
most outlawed  man,"  passed  beyond  the  reach  of  law. 

It  was  at  Ford's  Ferry  that  many  emigrants  going  to 
the  Illinois  country  crossed  the  Ohio.  In  Ford's  day 
the  ferry  at  Shawneetown  and  another  at  Golconda  also 
were  thriving  and  the  three  were,  in  a  sense,  rivals. 

A  river  crossing  with  the  reputation  of  having  the 
best  roads  leading  to  and  from  it  was  usually  given  the 
preference.  Ford,  realizing  this,  placed  sign-boards  at 
a  number  of  road  crossings,  and  cards  in  some  of  the 
taverns,  advertising  the  highway  to  his  ferry.  What 
was  known  as  the  Ford's  Ferry  Road  extended,  in 
Kentucky,  some  eight  miles  south  of  the  ferry  and,  in 
Illinois,  about  twelve  miles  north  of  it.  That  part  of  it 
in  Kentucky  running  north  from  Pickering  Hill  to  the 
ferry,  a  distance  of  four  miles,  was  well  maintained  by 
the  county  through  Ford's  influence.  The  road  leading 
from  his  ferry  into  Illinois  was  an  equally  important 
one,  but  its  condition  depended  solely  upon  his  interest 
and  efforts  in  the  matter.  He  attempted  to  persuade 
the  local  authorities  in  Illinois  to  change  the  old  Low 
Water  Road  running  through  the  bottoms  to  Pott's 
Hill,  a  distance  of  twelve  miles,  to  one  over  higher 
ground.  Failing  in  this  effort,  he,  at  his  own  expense, 
opened  up  a  new  road  ever  since  known  as  Ford's  Ferry 
High  Water  Road. 

Thus  with  about  twenty  miles  of  comparatively  good 
road  through  a  densely  wooded  country  and  with  a  first 
class  ferry,  and  by  proper  advertising,  he  succeeded,  as 
one  man  expressed  it,  "in  having  things  come  his  way." 
Many  people,  it  is  true,  were  molested  at  the  ferry  and 
along  the  highway  leading  to  and  from  it;  but  such 
misfortunes  were  then  likely  to  befall  any  traveler  at 


294  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

any  place.  If  a  robbery  occurred  along  the  Ford's 
Ferry  Road,  the  news  of  the  hold-up  invariably  ended 
with  the  report  that  "Jim  Ford  found  the  robbers  and 
ran  them  out  of  the  country."  And  so,  for  many  years, 
the  Ford's  Ferry  Road  and  Ford's  Ferry  maintained 
the  reputation  of  being  "safe  again."  In  the  meantime, 
strangers  continued  to  travel  over  it,  and  many  fell  into 
the  well-set  trap. 

At  the  foot  of  Pickering  Hill,  near  Crooked  Creek, 
newcomers  frequently  met,  as  though  by  chance,  some 
"strangers"  who  explained  that  they  were  on  their  way 
to  Illinois.  The  unwary  emigrants  continued  their 
travel  accompanied  by  persons  who  seemed  honest  men. 
The  "strangers"  soon  gained  their  confidence,  and  if, 
by  the  time  Ford's  Ferry  was  reached,  the  desirability 
and  possibility  of  a  hold-up  had  not  been  ascertained, 
the  united  party  crossed  over  into  Illinois.  At  Potts' 
Hill,  or  before  reaching  that  wayside  tavern  on  the 
south  hillside,  the  newcomer  was  either  robbed  or  per- 
mitted to  continue  his  journey  unmolested.  It  is  said 
that  many  a  traveler  who  was  found  weak  and  destitute 
by  the  "strangers"  was  given  money  and  other  help  by 
them.  On  the  other  hand,  the  traveler  who  exhibited 
evidence  of  wealth  and  prosperity  almost  invariably 
met  his  fate  along  the  road,  at  the  ferry  or  at  Potts'  Hill. 

Billy  Potts  was  the  strategist  on  whom  the  highway- 
men relied  as  their  last  and  best  man  to  dispose  of  any 
encouraging  cases  that  had  not  been  settled  before  they 
reached  his  house.  Potts,  by  one  means  or  another,  suc- 
ceeded in  persuading  the  selected  travelers  to  remain 
all  night  at  his  inn.  His  log  house  was  large  and  com- 
fortable and  stood  near  a  good  spring  which,  then  as 
now,  offered  an  abundant  supply  of  water  for  man  and 
beast.    Tradition  says  many  a  man  took  his  last  drink 


The  Ford's  Ferry  Mystery  295 

at  Potts'  Spring  and  spent  his  last  hour  on  earth  in 
Potts'  house.  Human  bones  are  still  turned  up  by  plow- 
men in  the  Potts'  Old  Field,  and  since  there  is  nothing 
to  indicate  that  they  are  the  remains  of  Indians,  the 
conclusion  is  they  represent  some  of  the  victims  of  the 
mysterious  Ford's  Ferry  band.  The  log  house  occupied 
by  Billy  Potts  is  still  standing.  Many  years  ago  it  was 
converted  into  a  barn.  On  its  floor  and  walls  there  can 
still  be  seen  a  number  of  large  dark  spots.  Tradition 
has  it  that  they  are  stains  made  by  human  blood.  Some 
of  the  old  citizens  living  in  the  neighborhood  insist  that 
they  are  as  distinct  today  as  they  were  more  than  half  a 
century  ago,  notwithstanding  the  ravages  of  time. 

There  are  many  traditions  of  mysterious  murders 
attributed  to  the  Ford's  Ferry  highwaymen.  Every  one 
is  a  fearsome  tale  and  has  evidently  undergone  many 
changes  since  it  was  first  told.  Some  seem  to  have  more 
versions  than  they  are  years  old.  None,  so  far  as  is 
now  known,  can  be  verified  by  documentary  or  other 
positive  evidence.  All  these  tales  are  apparently  based 
on  facts  but  it  is  also  evident  that  each  is  much  colored 
by  fiction.  A  version  of  the  tradition  pertaining  to 
Billy  Potts  and  his  son  is  here  retold : 

A  traveler  was  riding  north  on  the  Ford's  Ferry  Road 
one  day,  and  after  crossing  the  ferry  was  overtaken  by 
the  son  of  Billy  Potts.  Young  Potts  expressed  a  delight 
at  having  found  a  man  with  whom  he  could  ride  and 
thus  not  only  pass  the  time  away  more  pleasantly,  but 
also  travel  with  greater  safety.  After  going  a  few  miles 
young  Potts  gained  sufficient  information  to  convince 
him  that  the  man  was  well  worth  robbing.  When  they 
reached  a  point  along  the  road  where  a  hold-up  could 
be  made  with  the  least  danger  of  exposure,  Potts  pulled 
out  his  pistol,  forced  the  man  to  throw  up  his  hands  and 


296  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

then  proceeded  to  rob  him.  While  Potts  was  in  the 
act  of  taking  his  victim's  money,  two  farmers  living  in 
the  neighborhood  happened  upon  the  scene.  Not  being 
in  sympathy  with  the  gang  of  highwaymen  and  having 
recognized  young  Potts,  they  informed  others  what  they 
had  witnessed  and  reported  the  robbery  to  the  authori- 
ties. Ford,  so  runs  the  story,  realizing  that  one  of  his 
men  had  been  detected  and  that  much  evidence  could 
be  produced  to  convict  the  guilty  one,  advised  him  to 
leave  for  parts  unknown,  and  thus  not  only  save  him- 
self but  also  shield  his  confederates  from  further  sus- 
picion. The  young  man  left,  and  a  few  days  later, 
rumors  emanating  from  the  gang,  to  the  effect  that 
young  Potts  had  been  driven  out  of  the  country  by  Jim 
Ford,  circulated  freely.  The  disappearance  of  Potts 
substantiated  the  report,  and  Ford  received  the  credit 
for  ridding  the  community  of  an  undesirable  citizen. 
Young  Potts  wandered  around  for  several  years,  in 
the  meantime  growing  a  beard  and  gaining  in  weight. 
He  evidently  changed  in  appearance  to  such  an  extent 
that  he  felt  confident  no  one -not  even  his  mother - 
would  recognize  him,  and  that  he  could  return  home 
without  the  least  fear  of  detection.  He  reached  Picker- 
ing Hill  on  his  homeward  journey  and  there  met  a 
number  of  "strangers"  who  informed  him  that  they 
were  resting  preparatory  to  resuming  their  travel  to 
the  Illinois  country.  Potts  recognized  in  these  men  his 
old  companions  in  crime,  but  none  suspected  who  he 
was.  He  rode  with  them  to  Ford's  Ferry,  in  the  mean- 
time keeping  the  men  in  ignorance  as  to  his  identity. 
When  they  reached  the  Ohio  he  saw  that  active  prep- 
arations were  being  made  to  rob  him  and,  if  necessary, 
to  murder  him.  He  then  revealed  his  identity.  But  it 
was  only  after  producing  considerable  proof  that  he 


The  Ford's  Ferry  Mystery  297 

convinced  the  men  that  he  was  their  long  gone  accom- 
plice.   A  great  rejoicing  followed. 

Early  in  the  evening  young  Potts  started  alone  over 
Ford's  High  Water  Road  to  his  father's  house,  where 
he  arrived  shortly  after  dark.  He  found  his  father  and 
mother  at  home  and,  as  he  had  anticipated,  was  not 
recognized  by  them.  He  decided  to  attempt  to  conceal 
his  identity  until  late  in  the  night,  for  he  concluded  that 
if  before  making  himself  known  he  could  impress  his 
father  with  the  fact  that  his  wandering  boy  had  accum- 
ulated money,  the  surprise  which  he  was  soon  to  give 
him  would  be  even  greater.  With  this  double  surprise 
in  view,  young  Potts  displayed  a  large  roll  of  money 
and  whispered  to  his  unsuspecting  host  that  he  knew 
he  was  in  a  safe  place  for  the  night.  The  two  men  had 
chatted  in  the  candle  lighted  room  for  an  hour  or  more, 
when  the  guest  asked  for  a  drink  of  water.  Out  into  the 
dark  they  walked  and  down  to  the  Potts  Spring,  a  dis- 
tance of  some  three  hundred  feet.  The  young  man  get- 
ting down  on  his  knees,  leaned  over  the  rock-lined 
spring.  While  in  the  act  of  drinking  he  was  stabbed  in 
the  back,  under  the  left  shoulder  blade,  and  instantly 
killed. 

The  murderer  took  the  money  from  his  victim's 
pocket,  but  failed  to  find  anything  to  indicate  who  he 
was,  from  where  he  came,  or  to  what  place  he  intended 
to  go.  Old  Potts  dug  a  shallow  grave  and  in  it  buried 
all  evidence  of  the  crime.  He  returned  to  the  house, 
and  after  reporting  to  his  wife  that  he  had  "made  a 
good  haul,"  retired  for  the  night. 

The  next  morning  some  of  the  Ford's  Ferry  gang 
rode  to  Potts'  Hill  to  celebrate  the  return  of  their  friend. 
Before  they  had  an  opportunity  to  explain  the  object 
of  their  coming,  Potts  recited  the  details  of  how  he  had 


298  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

disposed  of  an  "easy"  man  the  night  preceding.  One  of 
them  then  began  the  story  of  how  they  had  met  the 
young  fellow  and  how,  when  they  were  at  the  point  of 
carrying  out  their  intention  of  robbing  and  killing  him, 
he  made  himself  known  and  proved  beyond  doubt  that 
he  was  young  Potts,  their  former  associate.  But  before 
the  account  was  finished  old  Potts  and  his  wife  accused 
the  crowd  of  concocting  this  story  and  cursed  the  men 
for  plotting  against  them.  But,  persisting  and  giving 
every  detail  of  what  happened  during  the  time  the 
victim  was  in  their  presence,  the  men  created  doubt  in 
the  minds  of  Potts  and  his  wife,  though  Potts  asserted 
that  in  his  opinion  the  man  he  had  killed  was  not  his 
son,  but  perhaps  a  friend  in  whom  his  son  had  confided 
to  such  an  extent  that  he  was  able  to  convince  them  that 
he  was  young  Potts  himself. 

At  this  point  of  the  discussion  Mrs.  Potts  recalled 
that  her  son  had  a  small  birthmark  under  one  of  his 
shoulder  blades,  but  which  shoulder  blade  she  could 
not  remember.  Upon  learning  this,  the  men,  hoping 
to  find  such  evidence  as  would  convince  the  parents  of 
the  identity  of  their  son,  repaired  to  the  grave.  It  was 
shallow  and  the  soil  loose.  In  a  little  while  the  body 
was  uncovered.  Without  waiting  for  it  to  be  taken 
from  the  grave,  Potts  bent  forward  and  began  to  rip 
the  clothing  from  the  corpse.  The  back  showed  no 
mark  on  the  right  side.  The  bloody  wound  made  by 
the  dagger  that  had  pierced  the  heart  was  then  ex- 
amined. It  revealed  the  presence  of  the  remembered 
birth  mark.     .     . 

It  was  at  Cave-in-Rock  that  the  Ford's  Ferry  band 
met  to  discuss  some  of  its  plans  and  operations  and  to 
divide  the  spoils.  This  rendezvous  was  two  miles  from 
the  road  on  which  the  highwaymen  operated,  and  there- 


The  Ford's  Ferry  Mystery  301 

fore  sufficiently  distant  to  avoid  discovery  by  anyone 
traveling  over  that  land  route.  It  was  conveniently 
reached  by  a  boat  from  Hurricane  Island  or  from 
Ford's  Ferry.  Furthermore,  it  was  an  ideal  hiding 
place  in  which  to  lie  in  wait  for  flatboats  going  down 
the  river. 

What  went  on  at  these  meetings  was  never  revealed 
to  any  one  not  a  member  of  the  organization.  The 
tragic  story  of  Billy  Potts  and  his  son  is  one  of  the  few 
secrets  that  leaked  out,  and  it  was  not  divulged  until 
long  after  Potts  died  and  the  organization  had  ceased 
to  exist.  No  arrests  were  made  and  for  a  long  time  no 
local  citizens  were  suspected;  for,  as  already  stated, 
every  reported  robbery  was  soon  followed  by  the  news 
that  the  crime  had  been  committed  by  a  traveling  high- 
wayman, who  had  since  been  driven  out  of  the  country. 

In  time  suspicion  began  to  point  toward  a  number  of 
local  men  whose  incomes  were  out  of  proportion  to 
their  labor,  and  whose  frequent  and  long  absences  were 
accounted  for  by  them  in  contradictory  ways.    Vincent 

B.  Simpson,  who  lived  on  the  Kentucky  side  of  the 
Ohio  and  ran  the  ferry  boat  at  Ford's  Ferry,  and  Henry 

C.  Shouse,  who  lived  on  the  Illinois  shore  at  Cedar 
Point  almost  opposite,  were  among  those  suspected  of 
being  implicated  in  some  of  the  depredations  and  were 
regarded  as  two  of  the  men  responsible  for  the  circula- 
tion of  counterfeit  money.  Both  were  apparently  on 
intimate  terms  with  James  Ford,  whose  two  sons  were 
also  suspected  of  being  involved  in  some  of  the  lawless- 
ness which  was  then  increasing  rapidly.  Ford  owned 
Ford's  Ferry  and  the  ferry  house  near  it.  The  ferry, 
however,  was  run  by  Simpson,  who  occupied  the  house. 

After  carefully  concealing  its  acts  for  many  years,  the 
clan  began  drifting  to  the  inevitable.    A  lack  of  trust 


302  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

among  the  men  themselves  and  the  increasing  danger 
of  their  work  indicated  that  sooner  or  later  something 
would  occur  to  end  its  career.  The  end  came  in  1834. 
Strange  to  say,  it  was  brought  about,  not  through  a  dis- 
pute over  the  division  of  spoils  or  a  wholesale  arrest  of 
its  members,  but  was  due  more  directly  to  a  lawsuit 
regarding  a  slave  than  to  any  other  cause  known  to  the 
public.  Tradition  is  vague  regarding  this  litigation, 
but  the  court  records  reveal  sufficient  data  from  which 
to  glean  the  cause  of  the  beginning  of  the  end  of  the 
Ford's  Ferry  mystery. 

The  Circuit  Court  Records  of  Livingston  County 
contain  the  proceedings  of  a  suit  entitled  "Ford  versus 
Simpson"  which  began  in  September,  1829,  and  con- 
tinued nearly  two  years.  James  Ford's  petition  recites 
that  on  January  7,  1829,  he  bought  from  Vincent  B. 
Simpson  a  slave  named  Hiram,  for  the  sum  of  eight 
hundred  dollars.  Simpson  guaranteed  him  to  be  "a 
good  blacksmith,  sound  and  healthy,"  but  the  negro 
died  soon  after  the  sale,  at  the  age  of  thirty-four.  Ford 
set  forth  that  the  man  was  uno  blacksmith  and  no  la- 
bourer and  was  labouring  under  a  disease  called  her- 
nia," and  that  he  was  worth  only  two  hundred  and  fifty 
dollars  at  the  time  of  the  sale.  In  consequence  of  the 
loss  of  time  and  work  resulting  from  the  purchase  of 
the  negro,  Ford  sued  for  one  thousand  dollars  damages. 
Simpson  tried,  through  various  witnesses,  to  prove  that 
the  slave  was  a  good  mechanic  and  a  healthy  negro,  but 
failed  to  establish  any  of  his  claims.  Ford,  on  the  other 
hand,  produced  many  men  who  upheld  him  and  gave 
much  testimony  to  prove  that  Simpson  had  practiced  a 
fraud  in  making  the  sale.  The  case  dragged  through 
the  courts  until  March  9,  1831,  when,  by  agreement  of 


The  Ford's  Ferry  Mystery  303 

the  attorneys,  the  suit  was  ordered  dismissed,  "each 
party  paying  their  own  costs." 

This  was  a  victory  for  Ford,  for  rumor  had  it  that  he 
and  Simpson  were  equally  implicated  in  certain  rob- 
beries. Ford  had  proved  Simpson  a  deceitful  man  and 
could  now  cite  the  Hiram  transaction  as  an  example 
of  his  unreliability.  Ford  was  prepared,  should  Simp- 
son reveal  any  of  their  secrets  and  "try"  to  implicate 
him;  he  was  fortified  against  any  accusation,  true  or 
false,  that  Simpson  might  make.  In  the  meantime, 
Simpson  continued  to  run  Ford's  Ferry.  Whether  or 
not  Ford  attempted  to  remove  him  is  not  known.  It  is 
probable  that  each  feared  the  other,  and  that  each  was 
awaiting  the  other's  first  damaging  act.  Ford  and  his 
two  grown  sons  evidently  foresaw  the  possibility  of 
serious  trouble. 

These  two  sons  were  Philip  and  William  M.  Ford 
(whose  ages,  in  1831,  were  respectively  thirty-one  and 
twenty-eight  years) .  He  had  one  daughter,  the  Cassan- 
dra who,  February  5,  1827,  married  Dr.  Charles  H. 
Webb,  as  previously  noted.  The  daughter  was  an  ac- 
complished and  highly  respected  woman,  and  is  so  rep- 
resented in  Watt's  Chronicles.  Her  husband  was  all 
his  life  a  model  citizen.  Ford's  first  wife,  it  is  said,  was 
a  Miss  Miles,  whose  brother  at  one  time  ran  a  ferry 
where  the  village  of  Weston,  Kentucky,  now  stands. 
After  the  death  of  his  first  wife,  Ford,  January  15,1 829, 
as  shown  by  Livingston  County  marriage  records,  mar- 
ried Mrs.  Elizabeth  Frazer,  a  widow  with  three  daugh- 
ters. Mr.  Frazer  and  his  family,  so  runs  the  story,  were 
coming  down  the  Ohio  in  a  flatboat  and  chanced  to  stop 
at  Ford's  home.  Mr.  Frazer  became  ill  while  there, 
and  a  few  days  later  died.    In  the  course  of  a  short  time 


304  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

Ford  married  the  widow,  and  from  that  union  was 
born,  in  1830,  one  child,  James  Ford  Jr. 

Trouble  was  brewing.  What  preparations  were  made 
by  Ford  and  his  two  sons  to  meet  the  uncertain  develop- 
ments is  not  known.  A  perusal  of  the  wills  recorded  in 
Livingston  County  reveals  the  fact  that  Philip  Ford 
made  a  will  on  November  21,  1831,  and  that  within 
seven  months  thereafter  wills  were  also  made  by  his 
brother  and  father.  Philip  Ford  died  two  days  after 
he  had  prepared  his  will.  One  tradition  has  it  that  he 
died  of  yellow  fever,  but  that  is  not  at  all  likely  to  be 
true.  The  document  was  not  recorded  until  June,  1833. 
It  shows  he  was  a  widower  and  a  man  of  some  means. 
He  designates  his  father  and  brother-in-law,  Dr.  Webb, 
as  administrators.  He  bequeathed  some  of  his  estate  to 
his  father,  sister,  and  brother  William,  but  the  greater 
part  to  his  only  child,  Francis  Ford,  then  a  small  boy. 
Among  the  items  were  seven  slaves,  two  of  whom, 
"Irene,  a  woman,  and  Kitty,  a  girl,"  were  to  be  retained 
and  the  other  five  sold  "at  nine  months  credit,  the  pro- 
ceeds to  go  for  the  whole  use  and  benefit  of  my  son." 
Another  item  reads:  "My  gold  watch  I  wish  Doct. 
Charles  H.  Webb  to  take  charge  of  until  my  son  comes 
of  age  and  then  to  go  to  my  son  Francis  Ford."  As  re- 
quested in  this  document,  he  was  "buried  by  the  side  of 
where  my  beloved  wife  is  buried  and  in  a  decent  man- 
ner."   The  inscription  on  his  gravestone  reads : 

"To  the  memory  of  Philip  Ford  who  was  born  November  25th, 
1800,  departed  this  life  November  23d,  183 1." 

A  year  later  William  died  and  was  buried  beside  his 
brother.  Tradition  ascribes  his  death  to  cholera.  Be 
that  as  it  may,  there  is  nothing  to  indicate  that  he  "died 
with  his  boots  on,"  although  he  might  have  met  that 
fate  had  he  survived  a  few  years  longer.    The  graves  of 


The  Ford's  Ferry  Mystery  305 

the  two  brothers  are  on  the  Ford  Old  Place  about  one 
mile  southwest  of  Tolu.  Each  is  marked  with  a  dressed 
stone  box  grave  cover,  which,  before  the  collapse  a  few 
years  ago,  was  about  six  feet  long,  three  feet  wide  and 
three  feet  high,  the  top  being  a  well  carved  slab  bearing 
an  inscription.  The  inscription  on  the  grave  of  Ford's 
second  son  can  be  interpreted  in  more  than  one  way : 

"To  the  memory  of  William  M.  Ford,  who  departed  this  life  on 
the  3d  day  of  Novr.  1832,  aged  28  years.  Whose  benevolence  caused 
the  widow  and  orphant  to  smile  and  whose  firmness  caused  his  ene- 
mies to  tremble.  He  was  much  appresst  while  living  and  much 
slandered  since  dead." 

William  also  left  a  will.  It  is  dated  June  1,  1832. 
The  official  records  show  that  it  was  recorded  July  27, 
1832,  a  little  more  than  three  months  before  he  died. 
Tradition  has  forgotten  how  William's  "firmness  caused 
his  enemies  to  tremble"  and  by  what  means  he  was 
"much  appresst  while  living  and  much  slandered  since 
dead."  Nor  is  there  any  tradition  regarding  the 
identity  of  the  widows  and  orphans  who,  through  his 
benevolence,  were  caused  to  smile.  His  will,  however, 
throws  some  sidelights  on  his  career  as  a  father.  The 
document  does  not  refer  to  a  wife,  living  or  dead.  One 
tradition  has  it  that  at  the  age  of  twenty-two  he  married 
a  girl  by  the  name  of  Simpson,  but  that  name  does  not 
appear  among  the  three  mothers  of  his  children  re- 
ferred to  by  him.  He  first  bequeaths  all  his  estate  to  his 
two  sons,  one  of  whom  was,  in  1832,  seven  years  old, 
and  the  other  seven  months.  After  stating  the  name  of 
the  mother  of  each,  he  adds :  "both  of  said  children  I 
acknowledge  to  be  my  sons."  But  in  the  event  of  the 
death  of  both  boys  before  they  reached  the  age  of 
twenty-one,  he  gives  two  thousand  dollars  to  the  young 
daughter  of  a  certain  woman  he  mentions,  and  be- 


306  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

queaths  practically  all  the  residue  of  his  estate  to  his 
uncle,  Richard  Miles. 

It  is  said  that  the  inscription  placed  on  the  grave  of 
William  was  dictated  by  James  Ford.  Beginning  a 
short  time  before  the  death  of  his  two  sons,  many  accu- 
sations against  William  and  his  father  gained  wide 
circulation.  Ford  evidently  hoped  that  such  an  inscrip- 
tion on  the  tomb  of  the  "appresst"  and  "slandered"  son 
would  have  the  effect  of  a  voice  from  the  grave  and  do 
much  toward  subduing  undesirable  true  and  false  re- 
ports that  might  continue  to  circulate  after  his  death. 
Tradition  says  James  Ford  requested  his  wife  to  place 
an  inscription  of  a  similar  character  on  his  grave, 
hoping  it  would,  to  a  considerable  extent,  prevent  the 
community  from  attributing  all  the  lawlessness  to  him 
and  none  to  the  mysterious  Ford's  Ferry  band,  of  which 
he  was  openly  accused  of  being  the  leader.  Mrs.  Ford, 
in  all  probability,  would  have  carried  out  this  wish  had 
she  not  died  so  soon  after  her  husband.  Be  that  as  it 
may,  nothing  marks  the  grave  of  James  Ford  nor  that 
of  his  wife.  If  small  stones  were  erected  over  them 
they  have  long  ago  disappeared,  as  have  some  of  the 
other  headstones  that  once  stood  in  the  same  graveyard. 
The  spot  pointed  out  as  the  one  where  James  Ford  was 
buried  is  a  few  feet  from  William's  grave  and  is  now, 
and  long  has  been,  covered  by  a  briar  patch. 


Paying  the  Penalty 

After  the  death  of  his  two  sons  James  Ford  was,  in  a 
sense,  obliged  to  stand  alone  and  face,  as  best  he  could, 
any  and  all  reflections  upon  his  reputation.  According 
to  one  tradition,  some  of  the  law-abiding  citizens  con- 
tinued to  regard  him  as  an  innocent  victim  of  treacher- 
ous associates.  It  appears  that  among  the  members  of 
the  Ford's  Ferry  crowd  there  were  only  a  few  whom  he 
dared  trust.  Henry  C.  Shouse  was  one  of  them  and  he, 
with  two  others,  as  is  shown  later,  played  an  important 
part  in  the  closing  act  of  the  mysterious  band. 

From  the  time  of  the  lawsuit  between  Ford  and 
Simpson  each  lay  perdu  awaiting  the  action  of  the 
other.  Each  realized,  so  runs  the  tradition,  that  the 
other  "knew  too  much."  One  morning,  shortly  after 
the  death  of  Ford's  second  son,  Shouse  approached 
Simpson  at  Ford's  Ferry  and  tried  to  arouse  the  ferry- 
man's anger  and  lead  him  into  a  fight.  Simpson,  sus- 
pecting a  hidden  motive,  quietly  withdrew.  A  few 
days  later  Shouse  accused  Simpson  of  treachery,  claim- 
ing, among  other  things,  that  Simpson  had  circulated 
a  report  to  the  effect  that  "some  one  will  soon  turn 
state's  evidence,  and  certain  robbers,  counterfeiters,  and 
murderers  will  then  quit  business  for  good."  A  lively 
fight  followed;  both  men  were  badly  bruised,  but 
neither  was  victorious. 

Thus  did  Shouse,  greatly  influenced  by  others,  make 
and  set  his  trap  for  Simpson.  Simpson,  sensing  the 
situation,  immediately  prepared  for  any  defense  that 


308  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

firearms  might  afford  him.  These  strained  relations 
between  the  two  men,  each  watching  the  other,  contin- 
ued for  about  a  week.  On  June  30,  1833,  Simpson  went 
in  his  boat  from  Ford's  Ferry  down  to  Cave-in-Rock 
and,  upon  his  return,  stopped  at  Cedar  Point  and 
walked  up  to  the  home  of  Shouse.  Whether  Simpson 
had  gone  there  to  kill  Shouse  or  to  attempt  to  bring 
about  a  reconciliation  is  an  unsettled  question.  He  had 
reached  a  point  in  Shouse's  yard  when,  without  warn- 
ing, some  one,  firing  from  the  second  story  window  of 
Shouse's  log  house,  shot  him  in  the  back,  inflicting  a 
wound  of  which  he  died  next  morning. 

News  that  Simpson  had  been  shot  spread  fast. 
Shouse  was,  of  course,  immediately  accused  of  the 
murder.  Those  most  familiar  with  the  general  state 
of  affairs  suspected  that  James  Mulligan  and  William 
H.  J.  Stevenson,  both  of  whom  lived  near  by,  were 
accessories.  A  search  was  made  in  the  neighborhood, 
but  not  one  of  the  three  men  could  be  found.  The  law- 
abiding  citizens  on  both  sides  of  the  Ohio  recognized  in 
the  death  of  Simpson  the  removal  of  a  man  who,  either 
through  a  selfish  motive  or  for  the  good  of  the  public, 
contemplated  revealing  secrets  the  exposition  of  which 
would  have  led  to  the  extermination  of  a  band  of  men 
who  had  disturbed  the  community  for  many  years. 
Pursuing  parties  were  sent  out  and  messengers  and  let- 
ters dispatched  in  every  direction  in  an  effort  to  cap- 
ture the  three  fleeing  men  and  bring  them  back  for 
trial  and  punishment. 

In  the  meantime,  the  situation  and  its  causes  were 
taken  under  consideration  by  certain  citizens  not  in  any 
of  the  posses.  Most  versions  have  it  that  a  few  days 
after  Simpson  had  been  killed  a  small  number  of  men 
who  chanced  to  gather  at  the  home  of  his  widow,  took 


Paying  the  Penalty  309 

up,  in  secret,  the  question  of  avenging  Simpson's  death. 
It  is  said  that  no  definite  decision  was  reached  by  them, 
but  that  each  trusted  the  vengeance  to  fate  itself.  How- 
ever, three  men  were  appointed  to  ride  to  Ford's  resi- 
dence and  ask  him  to  come  to  Simpson's  in  order  that 
he  might  be  prepared  to  join  the  crowd  which  was, 
early  the  next  morning,  to  appear  before  the  grand  jury 
and  give  testimony  as  to  the  killing. 

On  their  way  the  messengers  met  Ford  near  the  Hur- 
ricane Camp  Ground.  After  hearing  their  mission  he 
stated  he  was  then  riding  to  the  ferry  to  learn  the  latest 
news  and  offer  his  services.  The  messengers,  accompa- 
nied by  Ford,  rode  back  to  Simpson's,  where  they  ar- 
rived about  sundown.  A  few  minutes  later  Ford  and 
a  dozen  or  more  men  present  were  invited  to  take  sup- 
per, but  all  declined,  apparently  for  the  reason  that 
they  were  occupied  discussing  their  plans  for  the  next 
day.  After  night  had  fallen  the  invitation  was  again 
extended.  About  half  the  number  then  went  into  the 
kitchen  to  eat,  and  the  rest  stood  in  the  open  passage 
that  ran  between  the  two  rooms  of  the  log  house.  Ford, 
accepting  a  chair,  leaned  it  against  the  log  wall  and  sat 
down.  The  men,  one  by  one,  stepped  out  of  the  passage, 
leaving  Ford  comfortably  seated  alone  in  the  dark. 
While  in  this  position  a  man  handed  him  a  letter,  in 
the  meantime  standing  to  one  side  and  holding  a  lighted 
candle  over  Ford's  head,  seemingly  for  the  purpose  of 
throwing  light  on  the  paper.  Ford  was  engaged  in 
reading  the  letter  when  someone  concealed  behind  a 
rose  bush  in  the  front  yard,  shot  him  through  the  heart, 
the  bullet  lodging  in  the  log  wall  against  which  he  was 
leaning.  Ford  fell  on  the  floor  dead.  The  body  was 
immediately  carried  out  in  the  yard  and  preparations 
were  soon  begun  to  send  it  to  his  home. 


310  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

Placed  in  a  rude  box,  on  a  wagon  drawn  by  two  oxen, 
Ford's  body  was  taken  to  the  Ford  farm  and  there  pre- 
pared for  burial,  which  took  place  a  day  or  two  later. 
According  to  tradition,  the  only  persons  present  at  the 
funeral  were  his  wife,  his  daughter  and  her  husband, 
two  of  his  neighbors  and  about  half  a  dozen  slaves.  A 
terrific  storm  suddenly  came  up  while  the  little  proces- 
sion was  marching  from  the  house  to  the  family  grave- 
yard, a  distance  of  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile.  The 
slaves  were  in  the  act  of  lowering  the  coffin  when  a 
crash  of  thunder  frightened  one  of  them  so  badly  that 
he  dropped  the  rope  with  which  he  was  helping  to 
lower  the  corpse,  and  ran  away.  The  head  of  the  coffin 
struck  the  bottom  of  the  grave  and  wedged  the  box  into 
an  angular  position.  Attempts  were  made  to  pry  it  to  a 
level,  but  without  success.  While  the  storm  was  raging 
the  remaining  slaves,  with  all  possible  haste,  filled  the 
grave.  After  completing  the  mound,  these  superstitious 
negroes  ran  to  their  cabins  and  from  that  date  "saw 
things"  that  have  not  been  seen  since,  but  have  entered 
into  many  traditions  pertaining  to  the  Fords.  For  ex- 
ample :  Some  of  them  saw  "Jim  Ford  land  in  Hell  head 
foremost." 

The  names  of  the  man  who  held  the  candle  and  the 
one  who  fired  the  shot  that  killed  Ford  were  never 
revealed,  then  or  thereafter.  It  is  said  that  no  investi- 
gation of  the  assassination  was  ever  made,  and,  further- 
more, that  if  official  proceedings  had  been  attempted, 
no  evidence  of  any  kind  could  have  been  procured. 

Ford  was  suspected  to  be  the  leader,  adviser,  and 
protector  of  the  so-called  Ford's  Ferry  band,  but 
whether  or  not  he  was  actually  all  these  was  never  posi- 
tively proved.  Had  his  wife  lived  a  little  longer,  she  in 
all  probability,  would  have  carried  out  his  suggestion 


Paying  the  Penalty  311 

to  erect  a  monument  over  his  grave.  If  so,  the  inscrip- 
tion would  have  followed,  more  or  less,  the  lines  pre- 
pared by  him  as  his  son  William's  epitaph.  There 
would  have  been  some  truth  in  words  to  the  effect  that 
James  Ford  had  not  only  rendered  much  assistance  to 
widows  and  orphans,  but  also  to  the  poor  and  destitute, 
and  that  his  "firmness  caused  his  enemies  to  tremble." 
As  to  how  he  was  "appresst  while  living"  it  is  impos- 
sible to  determine  now.  That  he  was  "much  slandered 
since  dead"  is  true,  judging  from  some  of  the  tales  told 
about  him  even  to  this  day. 

One  of  these  improbable  stories  is  that  Ford  punished 
a  slave  by  placing  the  man's  head  in  a  vise  and  while  it 
was  thus  fastened  cut  off  the  negro's  ears  and  pulled 
out  his  teeth. 

Another  is  to  the  effect  that  after  the  Ford's  Ferry 
men  had  murdered  and  robbed  a  flatboatman  they 
learned  from  papers  in  his  pocket  that  his  name  was 
Simmons.  They  buried  their  victim  on  the  hill  near 
the  Ferry.  Soon  thereafter  it  was  noticed  that  many 
persimmon  sprouts  began  to  shoot  up  out  of  the  grave 
and  the  ground  near  by.  Although  grubbed  out  a  num- 
ber of  times  they  reappeared  each  succeeding  spring. 
Ford,  seeing  that  the  matter  was  viewed  as  an  evil  omen 
and  working  on  the  superstition  of  some  of  his  men, 
ordered  the  remains  taken  up  and  ceremoniously  low- 
ered into  the  river  below  Cave-in-Rock,  "where,"  as 
one  man  expressed  it,  "Simmons  couldn't  sprout  any 
more."  But  the  sprouts  continued  to  sprout  on  the  hill 
overlooking  Ford's  Ferry  and  today  "the  old  'simmons 
thicket"  helps  perpetuate  this  old  tale.37 

37  The  Chicago  Times  published  an  article  July  17,  1879,  entitled  "Hell 
on  the  Ohio,"  which,  in  1888,  was  republished  in  The  Life  of  Logan  Belt, 
a  book  by  Shadrack  L.  Jackson,  who  then  lived  in  the  village  of  Cave-in- 
Rock.     This  distorted   account  of  Ford  is  here  reprinted   as  an  example  of 


312  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

There  is  an  absurd  but  widespread  tradition  that 
James  Ford  had  acquired,  through  his  "frolics  at  the 
ferry,"  a  vast  fortune  consisting  of  "dozens  of  farms, 
hundreds  of  slaves,  and  barrels  of  money"  and  that  in 
his  will  he  not  only  named  every  man  connected  with 
the  robber  band,  but  gave  each  a  slave  or  mule.  This 
story,  like  many  of  the  others,  is  absolutely  without 
foundation.  His  will,  recorded  August  5,  1833,  indi- 
cates that  he  was  not  a  man  of  more  than  ordinary 
wealth.  It  was  written  in  his  own  hand.  It  contains 
many  errors  in  composition  and  spelling  and,  like  many 
other  early  documents,  is  sparsely  punctuated.  It  is 
nevertheless  evidence  that  his  practical  education  was 
far  above  most  of  his  contemporaries,  though  his  scho- 

one  of  the  many  absurd  and  almost  groundless  stories  that  have  gained 
wide  circulation: 

"Not  far  from  Cave-in-Rock  is  Ford's  Ferry,  which  gets  its  name  from 
a  man  who  was  one  of  the  noted  criminals  of  pioneer  history.  He  lived  on 
the  Kentucky  side  about  two  miles  above  Cave-in-Rock  and  was  ostensibly 
a  farmer,  owning  a  large  tract  of  land.  He  also  kept  a  hotel.  Ford  was 
always  surrounded  by  a  gang  of  desperate  men,  highwaymen  and  murderers, 
and,  while  nothing  was  ever  proved  on  him,  he  was  looked  upon  as  equal 
to  his  companions  in  guilt.  He  was  a  robber  of  fiatboats  and  of  emigrants. 
Dead  bodies  were  found  near  his  house,  and  isolated  and  freshly  made 
graves  were  discovered  in  that  neighborhood.  Men  were  known  to  start 
West  with  a  little  money,  to  locate,  and  were  never  after  heard  of.  Their 
friends  would  inquire,  follow  them  to  Ford's  and  there  lose  all  traces  of  them. 
It  was  one  of  his  habits  to  cut  down  trees  and  obstruct  the  road  to  rival 
ferries,  until  the  owners  would  be  compelled  to  quit  and  leave,  thinking 
retaliation  only  a  means  of  provoking  death.  But  Ford  brought  on  himself 
the  penalty  of  his  lawlessness. 

"An  old  feud  existed  between  him  and  the  father-in-law  of  a  man  named 
Simpson,  and  Ford  killed  his  enemy.  Simpson  gathered  a  crowd  of  friends 
and  went  armed  to  Ford's  house  for  the  purpose  of  killing  him.  They  found 
him  on  the  Illinois  side  loading  a  boat.  He  knew  at  once  why  they  had 
come,  begged  for  his  life  and  appealed  for  protection  to  one  of  their  number, 
Jonathan  Brown  by  name.  Brown  was  touched  by  the  appeal  and  inter- 
ceded for  the  terrified  man.  The  plea  was  so  far  successful  that  the  crowd 
waited  two  or  three  hours,  but  when  darkness  came,  they  took  him  out  and 
shot  him  dead  when  he  was  begging  hardest  to  be  spared.  It  is  said  that 
none  of  the  crowd  proper  did  the  shooting,  but  that  Simpson  compelled  his 
negro  to  do  the  deed." 


Paying  the  Penalty  313 

lastic  training  was  slight.    His  penmanship  was  good,  as 
can  be  seen  by  his  signature  here  reproduced.a8 


Qyo^^cn 


ar^ 


Tradition  has  it  that  Ford  had  been  buried  only  a 
few  days  when  the  report  reached  Ford's  Ferry  that 
Shouse,  Mulligan,  and  Stevenson,  who  were  accused  of 
having  killed  Simpson,  had  been  overtaken.  The  three 
had  started  for  Texas,  but  were  arrested  in  Arkansas. 
Shortly  after  the  guards  and  their  charges  started  on 
their  return  the  captives  tried  to  escape.  Each  prisoner 
was  then  placed  astride  a  horse  and  his  feet  tied  under 
the  animal.  In  due  time  they  were  landed  in  the  jail 
at  Equality,  Illinois,  then  the  county  seat  of  Gallatin 
County.39  " 

The  court  records  show  that  the  Gallatin  County 
grand  jury  at  its  September  term,  1833,  indicted  Shouse 
for  the  murder  of  Simpson,  with  Mulligan  and  Steven- 
son named  as  accessories  to  the  crime.  The  original  in- 
dictment is  still  preserved.  The  greater  part  of  the 
document  is  a  repetition  of  old  and  verbose  legal 
phraseology,  reciting  what  is  summed  up  in  the  follow- 
ing extracts : 

38  It  may  be  proper  here  to  record  that  descendants  of  James  Ford,  like 
the  descendants  of  other  crude  but  strong  pioneer  stock,  rose  to  deserved 
prominence  in  the  business  and  social  life  of  several  western  cities.  The 
family  is  scattered,  but  the  respect  its  members  command  and  the  success  they 
have  achieved  bears  testimony  to  the  strain  of  ability  and  energy  inherent  in 
the  blood.  It  leads  also  to  deeper  consideration  of  one  of  the  theories  in  the 
Ford's  Ferry  mystery,  that  James  Ford  was  perhaps  a  victim  of  circum- 
stances growing  out  of  his  peculiar  personality  in  a  dangerous  surrounding. 

39  The  crime  was  committed  in  that  part  of  Gallatin  County  which  in 
1839  (when  Hardin  County  was  formed  out  of  parts  of  Gallatin  and  Pope 
counties)  became  the  eastern  portion  of  Hardin.  Previous  to  the  organiza- 
tion of  Hardin,  Cave-in-Rock  was  a  "corner"  at  the  southern  extremity  of 
the  line  separating  the  two  original  counties. 


314  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

"That  .  .  .  not  having  the  fear  of  God  before 
their  eyes,  but  being  moved  and  seduced  by  the  instiga- 
tions of  the  Devil  on  the  thirtieth  day  of  June  .  .  . 
with  force  and  arms  ...  in  and  upon  one  Vincent 
B.  Simpson,  in  (violation  of)  the  peace  of  God  and  of 
the  people  of  the  said  State,  feloniously,  wilfully,  and 
of  their  malice  aforethought,  did  make  an  assault,  and 
that  the  said  Henry  C.  Shouse,  with  a  certain  gun  called 
a  rifle,  of  the  value  of  ten  dollars,  then  and  there 
charged  with  gun  powder  and  a  leaden  bullet  .  .  . 
did  shoot  off  and  discharging  said  rifle  gun,  so  load- 
ed ..  .  did  wound  the  said  Vincent  in  and  upon 
the  left  side  of  the  back  bone  near  the  shoulder  blade, 
inflicting  a  mortal  wound  in  and  through  the  body  .  .  . 
of  which  said  mortal  wound  said  Vincent  did  languish 
and  languishing  did  live  until  the  first  day  of  July  .  .  . 
and  of  said  mortal  wound  did  die.  .  .  And  that  the 
said  James  Mulligan  and  the  said  William  H.  J.  Stev- 
enson, then  and  there,  feloniously,  wilfully,  and  of  their 
malice  aforethought,  were  present,  aiding,  helping, 
abetting,  comforting,  assisting,  and  maintaining  the  said 
Henry  C.  Shouse,  the  felony  murder  aforesaid  to  do 
and  commit." 

A  careful  perusal  of  the  court  records  and  documents 
leads  to  the  discovery  of  these  facts :  The  case  was  called 
for  trial  a  few  days  after  the  indictment  had  been  found. 
Fifteen  witnesses  had  been  summoned;  all  were  ready 
to  give  testimony  for  the  state,  but  none  for  the  defense. 
After  considerable  discussion  by  the  attorneys,  a  change 
of  venue  to  Pope  County  was  granted,  and  the  case  was 
docketed  for  trial  at  Golconda  in  November.  Begin- 
ning November  21,  1833,  and  continuing  six  days, 
Shouse's  attorneys,  Fowler  and  Gatewood,  made  every 
effort  to  secure  a  postponement,  claiming  technical  er- 


Paying  the  Penalty  315 

rors  committed  by  the  court.  Failing  in  this,  they  pre- 
sented the  fact  that  Mulligan  had  died  in  jail  and  Stev- 
enson had  escaped,  and  on  that  ground  succeeded  in 
deferring  the  trial  until  the  May  term  following.  There 
is  nothing  to  indicate  the  circumstances  of  the  death  of 
the  one,  nor  the  escape  and  disappearance  of  the  other. 

On  May  21,  1834,  the  case  was  again  presented  and 
the  attorneys  argued  for  further  delay,  but  failed. 
Shouse  stood  trial,  and  after  a  two  days'  hearing  the 
jury  was  instructed  to  consider  the  evidence.  There  is 
nothing  in  the  written  records  showing  for  what  motive 
Shouse  killed  Simpson.  In  fact,  the  records  contain 
little  other  than  stereotyped  legal  phrases  relative  to 
postponing  the  case.  They  throw  practically  no  light 
on  the  evidence  heard.  No  summaries  of  the  testimony 
have  been  found.  Shouse  denied  his  guilt.  The  name 
of  Ford  does  not  appear  in  any  of  the  documents.  Tra- 
dition says  that  Shouse  not  only  did  not  betray  Ford, 
but  shielded  him  whenever  an  opportunity  presented 
itself. 

After  the  jury  had  retired,  one  William  Sharp  ap- 
peared on  the  scene  and  begged  to  be  heard.  Shouse's 
attorneys  prepared  a  written  avowal  of  what  Sharp's 
statement  would  contain  and  presented  it  to  the  judge 
with  an  argument  that  in  view  of  the  new  evidence  by 
a  material  witness  the  case  be  retried,  regardless  of  the 
verdict  of  the  present  jury.  This  was  overruled.  This 
document  is  the  only  one  from  which  can  be  gathered 
any  suggestion  as  to  the  character  of  evidence  probably 
employed  by  the  defense.  Its  plea  was  that  "Shouse 
expects  to  prove  by  said  witness  (Sharp)  that  the  de- 
ceased Simpson  told  him  about  a  week  before  his 
death  that  he  had  some  short  time  before  collared  the 
defendant  Shouse  and  dared  him  to  cut,  that  he  in- 


3 16  Outlaws  of  Gave-in-Rock 

tended  then  in  a  few  days  to  take  his  pistol  and  go  over 
to  Shouse's  house  and  settle  him."  This  was  a  plea  of 
self-defense.  But,  as  already  stated,  this  motion  was 
overruled.  The  jury,  after  due  deliberation,  found 
Shouse  "guilty  as  charged." 

According  to  most  traditions,  Simpson  had  more 
knowledge  of  the  criminal  conduct  of  the  Ford's  Ferry 
outlaws  than  it  was  safe  for  one  man  to  have.  It  was 
rumored  that  a  large  reward  was  about  to  be  offered  for 
evidence  leading  to  the  conviction  of  any  member  of 
the  band,  and  Simpson's  confederates  feared  he  would 
be  tempted  to  betray  them.  Shouse,  it  seems,  was 
selected  -  or  volunteered  -  to  see  that  "dead  men  tell  no 
tales." 

No  man  of  his  time  was  more  familiar  with  the  de- 
tails of  the  Shouse  murder  trial  than  William  Courtney 
Watts.  He  furnished  the  following  statement  to  a 
representative  of  the  Louisville  Courier- Journal  which 
published  it  March  27,  1895 : 

"Shouse  was  one  of  the  ring-leaders  of  the  notorious 
Ford  gang  and  it  is  generally  believed  that  Ford  depu- 
tized him  to  kill  Simpson.  It  was  observed  that  after 
Shouse  was  sentenced  to  be  hanged,  his  attorney,  Judge 
Wyley  P.  Fowler,  spent  a  large  part  of  his  time  in  the 
cell  of  Shouse.  It  finally  leaked  out  that  Shouse  was 
dictating  to  Judge  Fowler  a  history  of  the  robber  band 
to  which  he  had  belonged  and  that  his  statements  impli- 
cated some  of  the  wealthiest  and  most  prominent  cit- 
izens in  Livingston  County.  At  that  juncture  Judge 
Fowler  received  a  number  of  anonymous  letters  in 
which  writers  threatened  his  life  in  the  event  of  his 
ever  making  public  the  communications  made  to  him 
by  Shouse.  By  the  advice  of  friends  Judge  Fowler 
spent  the  succeeding  winter  in  Frankfort.     Upon  his 


Paying  the  Penalty  317 

return  Mr.  J.  W.  Cade,  the  circuit  clerk,  asked  Judge 
Fowler  if  the  Shouse  history  had  been  destroyed.  He 
replied:  'No  good  could  come  of  its  publication.  It 
would  cast  a  shade  upon  the  reputation  of  some  of 
Livingston  County's  most  esteemed  citizens.'  Nothing 
further  was  ever  heard  of  the  manuscript  and  it  is  be- 
lieved that  Judge  Fowler  destroyed  it." 

It  is  said  Judge  Fowler's  notes  were  based  on  the 
dictations  the  doomed  Shouse  intended  for  the  public, 
and  on  such  reports  as  were  being  openly  discussed 
among  the  people.  Judge  Fowler,  however,  having 
been  Ford's  attorney  for  a  number  of  years  and  having 
represented  Shouse  in  his  last  trial,  recognized  that  any 
statement  he  made  would  be  considered  as  based  on 
confidential  information  received  by  him  as  an  attorney, 
and  that,  in  consequence,  he  would  be  unjustly  con- 
demned. 

What  Shouse's  history  and  confession  contained  was 
the  subject  of  much  speculation  for  a  generation  or  two. 
There  is  an  impression  among  some  people  living  in  the 
lower  Ohio  River  valley  that  Judge  Fowler's  alleged 
manuscript  on  the  history  of  the  robber  band  still  exists. 
Inquiry  recently  made  among  his  descendants  resulted 
in  learning  that  many  years  before  his  death  in  1880, 
he,  in  the  presence  of  an  intimate  friend,  destroyed  all 
his  data  on  the  subject.  Judge  Fowler  never  permitted 
any  one  to  see  his  notes  and  seldom  discussed  the  matter. 
It  is  said  that  on  one  occasion  when  he  was  asked 
whether  or  not  the  Ford's  Ferry  band  was  a  branch  of 
the  clan  led  by  John  A.  Murrell,  he  left  the  impression 
that  it  had  at  one  time  made  some  preparations  to  work 
in  conjunction  with  the  great  western  land  pirate  and 
his  band  of  negro  stealers. 

More  or  less  has  been  written  by  historians  and  nov- 


3 1 8  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

elists  about  John  A.  Murrell,  but  no  writer  connects 
him  with  Cave-in-Rock  or  Ford's  Ferry.  The  History 
of  Virgil  A.  Stewart,  a  book  on  the  life  of  Murrell, 
compiled  by  H.  R.  Howard  and  published  in  1836, 
gives  an  incomplete  list  of  Murrell's  associates.  Among 
the  four  hundred  and  fifty  names  there  recorded  there 
is  none  familiar  to  persons  now  living  near  Cave-in- 
Rock.  Tradition  says  that  Shouse  made  a  few  trips 
between  the  Cave  and  Marked  Tree,  Arkansas,  to  meet 
Murrell  or  some  of  his  representatives  for  the  purpose 
of  delivering  and  receiving  messages  pertaining  to  ne- 
gro stealing  and  the  disposition  of  counterfeit  money. 
But  whether  or  not  the  Ford's  Ferry  band  was  ever  part 
of  the  John  A.  Murrell  clan  will  remain,  in  all  prob- 
ability, one  of  the  Ford's  Ferry  mysteries.40 

On  June  7,  1834,  Judge  Thomas  C.  Brown  sent  a  writ 
to  Joshua  Howard,  Sheriff  of  Pope  County:  "Where- 
as ..  .  Judgment  hath  been  given  in  our  said 
court  that  the  said  Henry  C.  Shouse  shall  be  hanged  by 
the  neck  until  he  is  dead  and  that  execution  of  said 
judgment  be  made  and  done  on  Monday  the  ninth  day 
of  June  A.D.,  1834,  between  the  hours  of  twelve  of  the 
clock  at  noon  and  four  of  the  clock  in  the  evening  of 
the  same  day,  at  some  convenient  place  in  the  vicinity, 
not  more  than  one-half  mile  from  the  town  of  Golconda 
in  said  county,  in  the  usual  manner  of  inflicting  punish- 

40  The  fact  that  the  names  Murrell  and  Mason  sound  somewhat  alike  is 
sometimes  the  cause  of  confusion.  For  example,  occasionally  one  hears  that 
Little  Harpe  cut  off  the  head  of  Murrell,  whereas  Harpe  was  hanged  when 
Murrell  was  four  or  five  years  old. 

On  a  map  of  the  Ohio,  compiled  1911-14  under  the  supervision  of  the 
Ohio  River  Board  of  Engineers  on  Locks  and  Dams,  Cave-in-Rock  is 
erroneously  designated  Merrell's  [sic]  Cave. 

One  absurd  tradition  has  it  that  James  Ford's  first  wife  was  a  sister  of 
Murrell,  and  another  is  to  the  effect  that  both  Ford  and  his  wife  were  related 
to  Mason,  Murrell,  and  the  Harpes. 


Paying  the  Penalty  319 

ment  in  such  cases.  .  ."  And  on  June  9  Shouse  paid 
the  extreme  penalty. 

Tradition  has  it  that  on  the  day  of  the  hanging 
thousands  of  people  came  to  Golconda  from  Gallatin 
and  Pope  counties,  Illinois,  and  from  Livingston  Coun- 
ty, Kentucky,  and  other  sections,  to  see  the  first  legal 
hanging  in  the  county  and  to  witness  the  death  struggle 
of  a  Ford's  Ferry  and  Cave-in-Rock  outlaw.  Even  to 
this  day,  a  large  crowd  in  that  section  of  the  country  is 
measured  as  being  "as  big  as  the  one  when  Shouse  was 
hanged."  The  execution  took  place  in  the  creek  bot- 
tom immediately  north  of  the  town  limits,  at  a  spot 
where  the  slopes  of  the  hills  converge  to  form  a  natural 
amphitheatre.  About  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon 
Shouse  was  placed  on  an  ox-cart  and  driven  to  the 
scaffold  that  had  been  built  by  erecting  two  heavy 
timbers  with  a  cross  beam  over  them.  Between  these 
two  upright  posts  the  cart  was  placed,  and  into  it  the 
condemned  man's  coffin  was  then  shoved,  thus  serving 
the  purpose  of  a  platform  and  trap.  Shouse's  hands 
were  tied  behind  his  back;  he  was  blindfolded  and 
made  to  stand  erect  upon  his  coffin.  The  suspended 
rope  was  looped  around  his  neck;  the  oxen  pulled  the 
cart  forward  and  Shouse  fell. 

Thus  terminated  the  career  of  one  of  the  members  of 
the  mysterious  Ford's  Ferry  band,  and  with  it  passed 
away  forever  bloodshed  and  robbery  at  Cave-in-Rock. 


The  Cave  in  Fiction 

Historical  novels,  with  some  exceptions,  present  the 
past  in  a  more  interesting  manner  than  do  the  formal 
histories  which  are  intended  as  chronicles  of  actual 
facts.  It  has  been  said,  on  the  one  hand,  that  "truth  is 
stranger  than  fiction,"  and  on  the  other  that  "fiction  is 
often  more  truthful  than  fact."  Fiction  is  undoubtedly 
more  truthful  in  the  presentation  of  the  manners  and 
social  life  of  the  period  portrayed  than  is  formal  his- 
tory. The  history  of  Cave-in-Rock  and  the  careers  of 
the  outlaws  identified  with  the  place  is  not  only  stranger 
than  fiction,  but  is  besprinkled  with  many  tragic  and 
melodramatic  scenes  which,  although  almost  unimagin- 
able, are  actually  true.  For  more  than  a  century  fiction 
writers  have  used  the  Cave  as  a  background  for  stories. 
These  authors  by  freely  discarding  the  leading  facts 
and  drawing  on  their  own  imaginations  wrote  stories 
less  original  than  might  otherwise  have  been  produced. 

No  effort  has  been  made  to  compile  a  more  or  less 
complete  collection  of  works  of  fiction  pertaining  to  the 
Cave.  The  stories  and  poems  commented  on  in  the 
course  of  this  chapter  are  only  such  as  were  incidentally 
found  while  in  search  of  history.  Although  this  fiction 
has  very  little  of  facts  for  a  basis,  and  most  of  the 
scenes  are  far  from  probable,  nevertheless  it  necessarily 
stands  not  only  as  Cave-in-Rock  literature,  but  also  as 
a  contribution  to  the  good,  bad,  or  indifferent  literature 
of  America.  The  fact  that  more  than  one  edition  was 
published  of  the  Cave-in-Rock  novels  here  referred  to 


322  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

indicates,  to  some  extent  that  they  represent  some  of  the 
types  of  stories  then  in  demand. 

Stories  dealing  with  mysterious  murders  and  high- 
way robberies  have  always  found  many  enthusiastic 
readers.  It  seems  that  every  decade  of  the  nineteenth 
century  produced  at  least  one  new  tale  of  Cave-in-Rock. 
And  in  our  own  times  the  writings  of  some  well-known 
living  authors  show  that  the  Cave  is  still  supplying  ma- 
terial for  fiction. 

In  Irvin  S.  Cobb's  story  "The  Dogged  Under  Dog," 
(originally  published  in  the  Saturday  Evening  Post, 
August  3,  191 2,  and  shortly  thereafter  printed  in  Cobb's 
book  entitled  Back  Home)  one  of  the  characters,  recall- 
ing some  of  the  rough  men  who  lived  near  the  Cave 
when  that  country  was  still  new,  says  Big  Harpe  and 
Little  Harpe  were  run  down  by  dogs  and  killed  and 
that  "the  men  who  killed  them  cut  off  their  heads  and 
salted  them  down  and  packed  them  both  in  a  piggin 
of  brine,  and  sent  the  piggin  by  a  man  on  horseback 
up  to  Frankfort  to  collect  the  reward." 

Nancy  Huston  Banks  in  Old  field,  1902,  devotes  a  few 
pages  to  Cave-in-Rock,  the  Harpes,  and  a  character  she 
calls  "Alvarado,"  a  mysterious  Spaniard  who  fre- 
quented the  lower  Ohio  valley  and  who  was  suspected 
of  having  been  a  comrade  of  Jean  Lafitte.  Mrs. 
Banks,  in  her  next  historical  novel,  'Round  Anvil  Rock, 
1903  (in  which  Philip  Alston  is  one  of  the  leading 
characters)  refers  to  that  section  of  Kentucky  lying  op- 
posite the  Cave  as  having  been  the  "Rogues  Harbor." 

The  Harpes,  Masons,  and  the  Cave  are  introduced  in 
The  Ark  of  1803,  by  C.  A.  Stephens.  This  book  for 
boys,  published  in  1904,  is  intended  as  a  picture  of 
romances  and  tragedies  incidental  to  early  navigation 
on  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi.     It  serves  that  purpose 


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The  Cave  in  Fiction  325 

fairly  well,  although  practically  no  statement  made  by 
the  author  regarding  the  Harpes  and  the  Masons  is  in 
accordance  with  history  or  tradition. 

Our  earliest  item  relative  to  fiction  pertaining  to  the 
Cave  was  found  in  a  review  published  in  The  Port  Fo- 
lio, February,  1809,  of  Thomas  Ashe's  Travels  in 
America  Performed  in  1806,  printed  in  London  in 
1808.  The  critics  in  Ashe's  day,  and  ever  since,  de- 
clared the  writer  of  Travels  a  literary  thief,  bone  thief, 
and  infamous  prevaricator  and  ridiculed  his  work  on 
the  ground  that  it  was  filled  with  incredible  stories 
grafted  onto  authentic  incidents  and  actual  facts.  This 
general  condemnation  gave  the  new  book  a  wide  circu- 
lation for  a  few  years.  The  editor  of  The  Port  Folio 
devotes  a  dozen  pages  to  his  "entire  contempt  both  of 
Mr.  Ashe  and  his  work." 

Most  of  the  travelers  who  appeared  after  Ashe's  day 
and  examined  the  Cave  detected  in  his  sketch  a  combi- 
nation of  facts  and  fiction  that  helped  spread  the  name 
and  history  of  this  interesting  and  picturesque  rendez- 
vous of  outlaws.  Many  a  visitor  still  goes  to  the  place 
expecting  to  explore  the  "upper  cave"  but  soon  discov- 
ers that  its  size  has  been  wildly  exaggerated  by  Ashe. 
His  account  of  the  Cave  is  one  of  the  longest  ever  writ- 
ten and  will  always  be  of  curious  interest  no  matter 
from  what  standpoint  it  may  be  read,  other  than  history. 
The  reproach  to  Ashe  is  that  he  gave  the  hoax  out  as 
veritable  facts  encountered  in  his  travels  and  never 
corrected  this  impression  or  acknowledged  his  purpose. 
About  half  of  what  he  says  concerning  the  Cave  is  at 
least  highly  probable;  the  remainder  is  wholly  ficti- 
tious. 

A  casual  investigation  of  the  stories  published  after 
outlawry  terminated  at  Ford's  Ferry,  brought  to  light 


326  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

two  novels  and  a  long  poem  in  which  the  Cave  serves 
as  a  background.  Viewed  from  the  standpoint  of  today 
their  plots  have  the  consistency  of  a  dime  novel.  Brows- 
ing in  the  field  of  fiction  also  led  to  the  discovery  of  the 
one  time  celebrated  romance  of  Harpe's  Head, 

Harpe's  Head,  by  Judge  James  Hall,  was  first  pub- 
lished in  America  in  1833,  and  the  following  year  was 
printed  in  London  under  the  title  of  Kentucky,  A  Tale, 
It  was  later  republished  in  America  in  Judge  Hall's 
volume,  Legends  of  the  West,  Harpe's  Head  is  the 
only  novel  in  which  the  notorious  Harpes  are  intro- 
duced as  characters.  It  is  a  story  of  a  small  emigrant 
family  traveling  from  Virginia  to  western  Kentucky 
over  the  route  then  endangered  by  the  Harpes.  All  the 
characters  are  fictitious,  except  the  two  outlaws  and 
their  wives.  No  reference  is  made  to  their  career  at  the 
Cave. 

The  romance  is  written  in  a  dignified  and  graceful 
style.  Atkinsons  Casket  for  November,  1833,  in  its 
comments  on  the  book  says  "it  has  some  masterly 
scenes,"  and  quotes  one  in  full -a  Virginia  barbecue. 
Among  other  interesting  sketches  of  pioneer  times 
woven  into  Harpe's  Head  is  one  of  "Hercules  Short" 
or  "Hark  Short,  the  Snake  Killer,"  a  half-witted  boy 
who  performs  extraordinary  feats  and  who  labors  under 
the  impression  that  he  is  a  son  of  Big  Harpe.  On  one 
occasion  "Hark"  remarks  that  his  mother  told  him,  "If 
anybody  was  to  rake  hell  with  a  fine-comb  they  would 
not  find  sich  a  tarnal  villain  as  Big  Harpe." 

Edmund  L.  Starling,  in  his  History  of  Henderson 
County,  Kentucky,  1887,  says:  "The  history  of  the 
Harpes  in  this  portion  of  Kentucky,  has  long  ago,  and 
repeatedly  found  its  way  into  the  histories  of  Kentucky 
and  other  states,  in  pamphlets  and  the  newspapers  of 


The  Cave  in  Fiction  327 

the  country,  and  at  one  time  was  even  dramatized  for 
the  American  stage.  But  it  was  so  desperate  and  appall- 
ing to  all  rational  sensibilities  that  it  was  abandoned  by 
the  drama."  I  did  not  find  any  pamphlets  or  dramas 
regarding  the  Harpes. 

The  earliest  novel  found  using  Cave-in-Rock  for  a 
background  is  Mike  Fink,  A  Legend  of  the  Ohio,  by 
Emerson  Bennett,  who  for  a  time  was  a  well-known 
writer  of  thrilling  romances.  This  melodrama  was  first 
published  in  Cincinnati  in  1848,  and  although  now  a 
somewhat  rare  book,  it  ranked,  judging  from  the  num- 
ber of  editions  issued,  among  widely-read  stories  of  the 
middle  of  the  last  century.  Its  popularity  was  not  due 
to  any  high  literary  merit,  but  to  its  wild  and  extrava- 
gant plot.  The  greater  part  of  the  story  deals  with 
bloody  battles  between  a  band  of  outlaws  and  the  flat- 
boat  crew  and  passengers  led  by  Mike  Fink.  Practic- 
ally all  the  action  takes  place  in  or  near  the  Cave,  and 
for  that  reason  "A  Legend  of  Cave-in-Rock"  would 
have  been  a  more  appropriate  subtitle. 

Shortly  after  Mike  Fink  was  put  into  circulation 
there  appeared  in  the  Alton  (Illinois)  Courier,  1852,  a 
prize  serial  entitled  Virginia  Rose,  by  Dr.  Edward 
Reynolds  Roe.  Having  gone  through  a  pamphlet  edi- 
tion, this  Cave-in-Rock  story  was  published  in  book 
form  in  1882  under  the  title  of  Brought  to  Bay,  and  in 
1892  the  same  story  was  republished  and  its  title 
changed  back  to  Virginia  Rose.  Dr.  E.  R.  Roe -not 
E.  P.  Roe  with  whom  he  is  sometimes  confused  -  was  a 
citizen  of  Illinois,  practiced  medicine  and  wrote  a  num- 
ber of  books.  He  died  in  Chicago  in  1893  at  me  aSe  °f 
eighty.  He  lived  in  Shawneetown  a  few  years,  begin- 
ning in  1843,  and  it  is  said  he  prepared  the  greater  part 
of  this  manuscript  while  residing  there. 


328  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

The  book  has  no  preface  and  the  presumption  is  that 
all  the  characters  are  fictitious.  The  story  deals  with 
the  career  of  a  girl,  Virginia  Rose,  who  was  kidnapped 
in  Shawneetown  by  her  father,  the  leader  of  the  Cave- 
in-Rock  outlaws.  He  takes  her  to  the  Cave,  and  it  so 
happened  that  shortly  thereafter  the  New  Madrid 
earthquake  of  181 1  occurs.  The  citizens  of  Shawnee- 
town, suspecting  that  the  stolen  Virginia  Rose  may  have 
been  taken  to  the  Cave,  so  runs  the  story,  organize  a  res- 
cuing party.  Upon  their  arrival  at  the  Cave,  they,  to 
their  great  surprise,  find  the  place  abandoned.  Boxes 
and  barrels  were  scattered  around,  their  contents  undis- 
turbed, and  the  general  appearance  indicated  that  the 
place  had  been  abandoned  sudddenly. 

In  the  words  of  the  author:  "Remnants  of  a  feast 
which  had  never  been  eaten  were  lying  upon  a  table; 
lamps  were  hanging  around  burnt  out  for  want  of 
oil.  .  .  The  hatchway  overhead,  which  communi- 
cated with  the  room  above  was  not  closed  .  .  .  but 
the  avenues  which  led  from  it  to  the  inner  cave  had  dis- 
appeared. The  rock  had  fallen  from  above  in  vast 
masses  and  closed  all  connection  between  the  upper 
cave  and  the  outer  world  forever.  .  .  What  was  a 
hill  back  of  the  cave  bluff  now  appeared  to  be  a  hollow 
or  depression,  as  compared  to  the  ground  around  it.  .  . 
The  outlaws  had  met  their  fate  -  they  had  perished  in 
the  earthquake  [except  the  leader  and  his  daughter 
who  were  on  the  Mississippi  at  the  time]  perhaps  in  the 
midst  of  gay  festivities,  perhaps  in  the  hour  of  music 
and  dancing!  Who  could  say?  Not  a  soul  was  left  to 
tell  the  tale.  The  men  who  had  come  to  execute  ven- 
geance could  not  now  avoid  sympathy  for  the  dead." 

Thus  did  the  author  of  Virginia  Rose  make  the  New 
Madrid  earthquake  wipe  out  the  Cave-in-Rock's  "inner 


The  Cave  in  Fiction  329 

cave"  or  "upper  cave"  that  had  been  "discovered"  and 
is  so  extravagantly  described  by  Thomas  Ashe! 

Between  recorded  history  on  the  one  hand  and  stories 
of  fiction  on  the  other  stands  the  book  Chronicles  of  a 
Kentucky  Settlement,  1897,  DY  William  Courtney 
Watts.  It  is  a  historical  romance  based  solely  on  local 
tradition.  Although  this  work  is  somewhat  faulty  in 
its  general  construction,  and  may  be,  at  times,  somewhat 
crude  in  its  literary  style,  it  is,  nevertheless,  one  of  the 
most  faithful  historical  sketches  of  early  Kentucky. 

The  leading  characters  are  Joseph  Watts  and  Lucin- 
da  Haynes,  who  were  first  thrown  together  in  1805 
when  children  on  their  way  from  North  Carolina  to 
the  West,  Joseph  going  to  Tennessee  and  Lucinda  mov- 
ing with  her  parents  to  Kentucky.  A  few  years  later 
Joseph  Watts  began  a  search  for  Miss  Haynes  and 
found  her  near  Salem,  Kentucky.  After  a  courtship 
such  as  none  but  lovers  in  a  new  country  could  experi- 
ence, they  were  married  and  became  the  parents  of  the 
author  who  tells  their  story.  Among  other  characters 
is  Charles  H.  Webb,  who  gave  Watts  an  account  of  his 
capture  at  Cave-in-Rock  and  escape  from  the  outlaws 
and  who  later  married  the  daughter  of  James  Ford. 

The  gloomiest  tragedy  in  the  book  concerns  the  un- 
fortunate Lucy  Jefferson  Lewis,  sister  of  Thomas  Jef- 
ferson, whose  two  sons  killed  a  slave  on  their  farm  near 
Smithland,  Kentucky,  and  cut  up  the  body  in  an  attempt 
to  conceal  their  crime.  One  of  the  Lewis  brothers 
committed  suicide  on  his  mother's  grave  and  the  other 
escaped  after  he  had  been  arrested  for  murder  and 
placed  in  jail.  All  the  characters  in  Chronicles  are  pre- 
sented under  fictitious  names.41 

It  is  probable  that  every  person  who  saw  the  land- 

41  An  exhaustive  search  through  the  fiction  printed  during  the  first  part 


23°  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

scape  of  which  the  opening  of  the  Cave  forms  a  part 
had  his  sense  of  romance  and  poetry  stirred  by  the  sight. 
To  what  extent  attempts  were  made  to  express  this 
emotion  in  the  form  of  poetry  or  verse  is  not  known. 
Only  one  poem  has  been  found  -  "The  Outlaw,"  by 
Charles  H.  Jones,  of  Cincinnati.  It  comprises  about 
one  thousand  two  hundred  lines,  published  in  1835  in  a 
neatly  bound  booklet  called  The  Outlaw  and  Other 
Poems.  In  the  October,  1835,  issue  of  the  Western 
Monthly  Magazine,  of  Cincinnati,  Judge  James  Hall 
devotes  two  pages  to  a  eulogistic  review  of  the  book, 
encouraging  the  young  poet  in  his  work.  A  more  en- 
thusiastic reviewer  might  have  called  this  an  epic  of 
Cave-in-Rock. 

In  his  introductory  note  Mr.  Jones  briefly  refers  to  the 
then  well-known  fact  that  the  Cave  had  been  for  many 
years  the  resort  of  a  band  of  outlaws  all  of  whom  were 
finally  either  killed  or  driven  out  by  the  Rangers.  As 
to  his  authorities  he  states  that  "the  ravages  of  the  rob- 
bers are  still  fresh  in  the  recollection  of  many  of  the  in- 
habitants of  the  lower  Ohio  valley." 

About  one-half  of  the  poem  is  an  "effervescence  of 

of  last  century  probably  would  result  in  finding  all  the  Cave-in-Rock  tales 
referred  to  by  early  writers. 

Henry  R.  Schoolcraft  visited  the  Cave  in  1818  and  in  his  Personal 
Memoirs  commented  that  "as  a  scene  of  a  tale  of  imaginative  robber-life 
it  appeared  to  me  to  possess  great  attractions."  Later  in  his  book  entitled 
The  Indian  in  His  Wigwam  he  adds:  "The  Cave's  associations  of  the  early 
robber  era  .  .  .  have  been  commemorated  by  the  pen  of  fiction  of  Charles 
Brockden  Brown."  In  1834  Charles  Fenno  Hoffman  writes  that  "its  peculiar 
form  has  suggested  one  of  the  most  agreeable  tales  to  an  admired  Western 
writer."  Edmund  Flagg,  in  The  Far  West,  written  in  1836,  states  that 
murdering  and  boat  robbing  perpetrated  at  the  Cave  by  Samuel  Mason  and 
his  band  "has  suggested  a  spirited  tale  from  a  popular  writer." 

Judge  James  Hall  wrote  for  a  number  of  magazines.  Among  his  articles 
may  be  one  on  the  outlaws  at  Cave-in-Rock,  or  a  story  in  which  he  pictures 
the  activities  of  the  Harpes,  the  Masons,  and  others  during  their  stay  there. 
My  search  for  any  of  his  Cave  sketches  has  been  fruitless. 


The  Cave  in  Fiction  331 

poetic  fancy,"  with  here  and  there  a  real  gem.  The 
plot  is  dramatic.  The  story  begins  in  Virginia.  Our 
hero  shoots  his  successful  rival  in  love  immediately 
after  the  wedding  ceremony.  Believing  he  has  killed 
the  groom  and  that  the  shock  has  proven  fatal  to  the 
bride,  he  flees  to  the  wilds  of  the  West.  He  drifts  down 
the  Ohio,  joins  the  band  of  outlaws  at  the  Cave  and 
soon  becomes  their  leader -The  Outlaw. 

One  "dark  tempestuous  night"  a  flatboat  passing  the 
Cave  is  attacked  by  the  robbers;  a  fierce  and  bloody 
combat  follows.  The  Outlaw  discovers  among  the  pas- 
sengers the  very  girl  who  had  discarded  him  for  an- 
other -  and  still  alive.  He  stabs  her  in  the  heart  and 
then- 

"He  raised  her  body  from  the  floor, 
And  hurled  it  to  the  foaming  wave, 
Her  white  robe  red  with  streaming  gore, 
A  fitting  shroud  for  such  a  grave." 

The  battle  continues.  The  Outlaw  kills  man  after 
man,  when  to  his  surprise  he  finds  himself  facing  the 
very  man  he  thought  he  had  killed  in  Virginia.  The 
two  recognize  each  other  instantly.  They  draw  daggers 
and  The  Outlaw  is  slain.  And  the  boatmen,  so  runs  the 
story,  exterminate  the  band  of  robbers  at  the  Cave. 

"The  morning  breaks,  the  fight  is  o'er, 
Peace  smiles  again  upon  the  shore.     .     . 
Yon  arching  cave  is  lonely  now, 
The  tenants  of  its  holds  have  fled, 
Or  on  the  hill-top's  rocky  brow 
Are  sleeping  with  the  dead.     .     . 

No  more  those  cavern's  walls  will  ring 
With  sounds  of  mirth  and  rioting, 
And  peacefully  along  the  tide, 
The  laden  barks  will  slowly  glide ; 


332  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

Their  crews  no  more  will  deem  they  see 
A  robber's  form  in  every  tree, 
And  grasp  their  rifles  and  prepare 
For  deeds  of  blood  and  carnage  there ; 
But  as  they  pass  along  the  shore, 
Will  pause  and  rest  upon  the  oar, 
And  tell  of  many  a  bloody  tale, 
The  legends  of  yon  gloomy  vale ; 
And  travelers,  with  curious  eyes, 
Will  view  its  chambers  in  surprise, 
And  scarce  believe  that  where  they  stand, 
Was  heard  the  clash  of  brand  on  brand, 
And  yonder  yawning  cavern's  gloom 
The  Outlaw's  dwelling  —  and  his  tomb ; 
But  rather  all  they  hear  they'll  deem 
A  fable,  or  a  fairy  dream." 


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336  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

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34°  Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 

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Libraries  used  in  the  preparation  of  this  book. 

Chicago:  J.  Christian  Bay's  Private,  Chicago  Historical  Society, 
John  Crerar,  Newberry,  and  University  of  Chicago.  Cincinnati: 
Cincinnati  Public,  Historical  and  Philosophical  Society  of  Ohio, 
and  Young  Men's  Mercantile.  Frankfort:  Kentucky  State  Histor- 
ical Society,  and  State  Library.  Jackson:  Mississippi  Department 
of  Archives  and  History.  Lexington,  Kentucky :  Lexington  Public. 
Louisville:  Young  E.  Allison's  Private,  Filson  Club,  Louisville  Free 
Public,  and  R.  C.  Ballard  Thruston's  Private.  Madison:  Wiscon- 
sin State  Historical  Soceity.  New  Harmony,  Indiana:  Working- 
men's  Institute.  New  Orleans:  Gaspar  Cusach's  Private,  Howard 
Memorial,  Louisiana  Historical  Society,  State  Museum,  and 
Thomas  P.  Thompson's  Private.  St.  Louis:  Missouri  Historical 
Society.  Springfield:  Illinois  State  Historical  Society.  Washing- 
ton :  Library  of  Congress. 


Ind 


ex 


Index 


Adair  County  (Ky.)  :  86,  141 

Adairville:  103 

Alberts,  J.  Bernhard:  36;  pictures  by, 

3,  31,  259 
Allen,  John  (of  Ky.)  :  135 
Allen,  W.  B.,  Kentucky:  336 
Allison,    Young    E.:    7;    library    of, 

345 
Alston,  Peter:  272 
Alston,    Philip    (counterfeiter) :   271- 

274,  322 
Alton  Courier,  "Virginia  Rose:"  327, 

328 
"Alvarado,"  in  Old  field:  322 
Alvis,  Mr.:  owner  Diamond  Island, 

172 
American    Pioneer,    S.    P.    Hildreth: 

Marietta   to  New   Orleans,   40-43 ; 

Van  Cleve's  Journal,  167,  168,  339 
Anthony,     Abraham:     at     Langford 

burial,  75 
Anthony,    Mrs.    William:    letter    to 

Draper,   169-171,  252 
Ares  River:  221,  225 
Arkansas  Post:  220,  224 
Ashe,  Thomas,    Travels:  24,  25,  48, 

I73>   325,  336;   condemned,  325 
Atkinson's  Casket:  326,  336,  337 
Audubon,  John  James,  Journals:  177, 

252-254,  336 
AycoflF,  Mr.   (of  Knoxville) :  64 
Back  Home,  Cobb:  322 
Bacon,  M.  E.  ,  "Bold  River  Pirates:" 

336 
Baily,  Francis,  Journal:  24,  336 
Baker,    Joshua:    robbed    by    Mason, 

183-188,    190,    196,    216,    223,    224, 

226,  229-234 


Baker,   William:   robbed    by   Mason, 

184 
Baker's     Creek     (or     Twelve     Mile 

Creek) :  183,  184,  188 
Baldwin,  Old  Man   (outlaw) :  122 
Ballard,  William:  killed  by  Harpes, 

95,  96 

Ballenger,  Capt.  Joseph:  pursues 
Harpes,  69,  85,  91 ;  affidavit,  73 

Banks,  Nancy  Houston:  'Round  An- 
vil Rock,  272,  273,  322;  Oldfield, 
322 

Barren  River:  86,  89,  90 

Barret  (associate  of  Mason):  227, 
228 

Barrow   (associate  of  Mason) :  164 

Bass,  Mr.:  contact  with  Setton,  221, 
222 

Bassett  (associate  of  Mason) :  223, 
229-231 

Bates:  killed  by  Harpes,  66,  67 

Battery  Rock:  27,  44,  45 

Bay,  J.  C:  library  of,  345 

Bayou  Pierre:  184,  234,  235,  251 

Bear  Creek:  198 

Beaver  Creek:  63 

Beck,  L.  C:  Gazetteer,  336 

Belan,  Ignace   (merchant) :  209 

Bellegrove  Church:  264 

Bellin's  map  of  Louisiana:  18 

Belt,  Logan,  Jackson:  311,  312,  340 

Bennett,  Emerson:  Mike  Fink,  A  Le- 
gend of  the  Ohio:  327 

Biegler,  John  (Danville  jailer) :  77- 
80 

Big  Rockcastle  River:  68,  69 

Big  Sink,  near  Cave:  30 

Bigsby  Cave,  near  Cave:  30 


35o 


Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 


Billeth,     Pierre:    testimony    Mason's 

trial,  238,  239 
Black  Oak  Ridge  (Tenn.)  :  95 
Blackburn,  W.  B.  (attorney)  :  133 
Blain,    Maj.    James     (attorney    gen- 
eral) :  73,  86 
Blain,  John:  pursues   Harpes,  73 
Blowe,   Daniel:   View  of  the   United 

States,  175,  336 
Bodmer,  Charles  (artist):  35,  36,  336 
Bowman,      John:      identifies      Little 

Harpe,  255 
Bradbury:  killed  by  Harpes,  95 
Bradbury's  Ridge    (Tenn.)  :  95 
Bradley,  Captain    (associate  of  Ma- 
son) :  238 
Brassel,    James:    killed    by    Harpes, 

95-99 
Brassel,  Robert:  pursues  Harpes,  96- 

98,   100 
Brassel's  Knob   (Tenn.) :  95 
Breazeale,  Mr.    (attorney):  258 
Breazeale,  J.  W.   M.:  Life  as  it  Is, 
78,  103,  105,  112,  125,  126,  128,  146, 
150,  151  [65,  66,  95,  in,  113,  127] 
336 
Briscoe,    Mrs.    Phillip    (daughter    of 

Samuel  Mason)  :  234 
Brokus    (quadroon  Indian) :  185 
Brought  to  Bay,  E.  R.  Roe:  327 
Brown   (associate  of  Mason):  227 
Brown,  C.  B.   (novelist)  :  330 
Brown,  Jonathan:  near  Cave,  44,  312 
Brown,   Samuel   R.,    Western   Gazet- 
teer: 336 
Brown,  Judge  Thomas  C:  318 
Bruin,    Judge    Peter    B.    (of    Miss.) 

257 
Burnett,  Col.  Daniel:  letter  to,  196 
Burr,  Aaron:  257 
Burton    (associate  of  Mason)  :  222 
Bush  Creek:  73 
Butler,    Col.    Andrew:    helps    Harpe 

woman,  154,  155 
Cache  River:  40 
Cade,  J.  W.   (circuit  clerk)  :  317 


Caldivell    and    Livingston    Counties, 

Missouri'.   154,   341 
Caldwell  County  (Ky.)  :  122 
Campbell,    Mr.:    robbed    by    Mason, 

223,  225 
Canoe  Creek:  107,  109,  170 
Canot,  Felipo:  New  Madrid  militia, 

211 
Cape  Girardeau:  218 
Carolina   Gazette:  101,  124,  126,  337 
Carpenter's    Station    (Ky.)  :   69 
Carpentier,      Joseph       (interpreter)  : 

209,  210,  212,  216 
Caruthersville      (Mo.)  :     see    ..Little 

Prairie 
Caseyville:  273,  274,  278 
Casket  Magazine:  164,   189-190,  245, 

257,  326,  336,  337 
Cave  Dwellers:  27 
Cave  Spring;  near  Cave,  26 
Cave-in-Rock:  location,  17,  18;  scen- 
ery near,  17,  19;  discovery  by 
white  men,  18;  maps  showing,  18, 
x93;  high  water,  20,  30;  geology, 
29,  30;  described,  19,  20,  23-25, 
27>  3J>  32;  Indians  and  Mound 
Builders  at,  25-29;  Harpes  at,  90- 
94;  Mason  at,  174-176;  counter- 
feiters at,  268-281 ;  Jim  Wilson  at, 
47-51;  James  Wilson,  of  Chroni- 
cles, at,  47,  291-293,  329;  Dr. 
Charles  H.  Webb  at,  286-291; 
Ford's  Ferry  Band  at,  298,  299; 
in  fiction,  321-332.  Other  names; 
Big  Cave,  23,  24;  Cave-in-the- 
Rock,  25,  175,  272;  Cave-Inn-Rock, 
32,  37,  175 ;  Caverne  dans  le  Roc, 
18;  Counterfeiters  Cave,  268; 
Great  Cave,  23  ;  House  of  Nature, 
18,  19,  32,  279;  MurrelFs  Cave, 
318;  Rocking  Cave,  26;  Rock-in- 
Cave,  27;  Rock-Inn-Cave,  29,  175 
Cave-in-Rock,  Upper  Cave  of:  19,  21, 

24,  25,  51,  325,  328,  329 
Cave-in-Rock    (village  of)  :   13,  18 
Cave-in-Rock  Bluff:  26,  28,  35,  299 


Index 


351 


Cave-in-Rock  Island:  26,   35,   36 
Cedar  House   (in  Ky.)  :  272 
Cedar  Point:  near  Cave,  93,  301,  308 
Charlevoix,  New  France:  18,  337 
Chicago:  Historical  Society,  345;  Un- 
iversity of,   345 ;   John   Crerar   Li- 
brary,  345 ;    Bay's  private   library, 
345;    Times,   311,   312 
Chickasaw  Bluffs:  see  Memphis 
Chickasaw  Agency:  180,  201 
Choctaw  Nation:  181;   crossing,  221, 

225,  229 
Christian,    Matthew:    pursues    Har- 
pes,   114-125,   130,   131,   Hi;   depo- 
sition   of,    131,    132;    reward    to, 
139;  life,  140 
Christian  County  (Ky.)  :  113,  155 
Chronicles     of    a     Kentucky    Settle- 
ment, Watts:  47,  285-293,  329,  344 
Cincinnati:      Public      Library,      345; 
Young   Men's   Mercantile   Library, 
345 ;   Ohio   Historical  and   Philoso- 
phical  Society,   345 ;   see  American 
Pioneer;   Literary   Gazette;    West- 
ern   Monthly   Magazine;    Western 
Review 
Claiborne,  J.  F.  H.:  Mississippi,  201, 
265,  337  [189,  191,  202,  256];  Wil- 
ey quoted,   188,  189;  MS.  on  Ma- 
son's trial,  207 
Claiborne,  Gov.  William  C.  C:  199, 
200-202,  246,  253,  254,  264;   letters 
by,  192-198;   Official  Letter  Books, 
Rowland   [195,   196,  264]    337,   343 
Claiborne  County   (Miss.)  :  196 
Clinch  River:  65 
Clinton  County  (Ky.)  :  97,  98 
Cobb,  Irvin  S.,  Back  Home:  322 
Coffey,   Chesley    (son   of)  :   killed   by 

Harpes,  95,  96,  99 
Coiners   at  Cave:  see  Counterfeiters 
Colbert's  Ferry:  180 
Cole's  Creek:  248,  249,  257 
Colin,  Charles:  friend  of  Mason,  223 
Collins,  Lewis,  Kentucky:   [hi]    337 
Collins,    Richard    H.,    Kentucky:    55, 


125,    128,    15O,   273,    274    [71,    89,    HO, 

135,  137]  337 

Collot,  Victor  H.,  Journey:  23,  30,  337 

Colonial  Men  and  Times,  L.  D.  Har- 
per: including  Autobiography  of 
Trabue ;  see  Daniel  Trabue 

Concer,   Felic    (merchant)  :  236 

Concordia  Lake:  251 

Counterfeiters  at  Cave:  32;  die  used, 
268-271 ;  Alston,  271-274;  Duff,  272- 
278;  Sturdevant,  272,  278-281 

Crab  Orchard    (Ky.)  :  66,  67,  69,  70 

Cramer,  Zadok,  Navigator:  24,  39, 
40,  41,  44,  173,  203,  337 

Crittenden  Co.,  (Ky.)  :  274,  285 ; 
Marion,  in;  Piney  Fork  Camp 
Ground,   in 

Crittenden  Press:  story  of  Jim  Wil- 
son, 48-52,   337 

Crooked   Creek:  294 

Crow's  Nest:  see  Stack  Island 

Cumberland  Gap:  65,  66}  74 

Cumberland  River:  66,  238,  287, 
291 

Cuming,    Fortesque,     Tour:    25,    26, 

172,  173,  337 

Cumings,  Samuel,  Western  Naviga- 
tor: 285,  337 

Cusach,  Gaspar:  library  of,  345 

Cutler,  Jervis,  Topographical  De- 
scription: 337 

Dale,  Mr.  and  Mrs.:  pursue  Har- 
pes, 96,  97 

Daniels,      Wilson,      "Steamboating:" 

337 

Danville  (Ky.)  :  log  court  house,  77; 
Harpes  escapes  jail,  78,  255; 
three  Harpe  children  born,  79,  80, 
137;  Harpe  women  tried  and  lib- 
erated, 79-83;  arrest  of  two  Harpe 
men  ordered,  84;  court  record  of 
Harpes,  79-82,  335;  district  court 
records,  70-84,  335 

Danville  District  Court  Records,  Lin- 
coln Co.:  70-84,  335 

Dapron,   Pierre:  declaration   of,   209 


352 


Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 


Darby,  John  F.,  Personal  Recollec- 
tions: 337 

Darby,  William,  Casket  Magazine: 
164,    189-190,    245,    257,    326,    336, 

337 
Davidson,     John:     father-in-law     of 

Big  Harpe,  145 
Davidson,  Maria:  wife  of  Big  Harpe, 

145 
Davidson,   Robert,   Excursion:    [143] 

337 
Deer  Creek:  109,  125 
Derousser,   Francois:  testimony   Ma- 
son's trial,  237,  238 
Diamond  Island:  90-92,  167,  171;  de- 
scribed,  172-174 
Dixon  (Ky)  :  no,  127;  streets  named, 

Leiper  and  Stegall,  144 
Doherty,  Col.  George:  of  militia,  255 
Dooley,  Mr.:  killed  by  Harpes,  89 
Douglas,  Mrs.  Marguerite:  see  Mrs. 

John  Mason. 
Dow,   Lorenzo,   Cosmopolite:   338 
Downs,  James    (sheriff) :  238,  239 
Downs,  William    (justice)  :  224,  226, 

231,  233,  257 
Drake,  Samuel  G.,  Book  of  Indians: 

338 
Draper,    Lyman    C:    Draper    MSS., 
Harpes  and  Masons  [60,  64-66,  70, 
84,    89,    90,   95,   102,    105,    11 3-1 15, 
126-128,  134,  141-H3,  150,  152,  155, 
156,    158,    160,    161,    163-165,    169, 
188,   201,   220-222,   255]    335,    336; 
"Sketch  of  the  Harpes,"  60,  79,  108, 
115-125,  130,  140,  338;  Harpes,  60, 
128,    134,    154;    Mason,    160,    265; 
Setton,  220,  221,  255 ;  King's  Moun- 
tain [115]   338 
Drumgool  Station   (Ky.)  :  103 
Duff  (brother-in-law  of  Mason)  :  169 
Duff    (counterfeiter)  :   272-278 
Duff,  John  (guide)  ;  273 
Duff  brothers   (of  111.) :  233 
Duff's  Cave:  274 
Duff's  Fort:  272-274,  277 


Dunbar,  Seymour,  History  of  Trav- 
el: 338 

Dunlap,  Hugh:  pursues  Harpes,  95 

Dunn,  Capt.  John  (constable) :  168- 
171 

Durbin,  Thomas:  killed  by  Thomas 
Mason,  170 

Early  Western  Travels,  Thwaites, 
editor:  Cuming,  Tour;  Evans, 
Tour;  Flagg,  Far  West;  James, 
Expedition;  Maximilian,  Voyage; 
Nuttall,  Travels;  343,  344 

Elicott,  Andrew,  Journal:  23,  338 

Ellis,  John:  pursues  Harpes,  100 

Emery  River:  95 

Equality  (111.)  :  30,  313 

Evans,  Estwick,  Tour:  338 

Evansville:  city  of,  18;  Courier  Com- 
pany, History  of  Union  County, 
273-278,  338 

Everybody's  Magazine:  "Natchez 
Trace,"  by  Swain,  338 

Executive  Journal  (Ky.)  :  85,  92,  335 

Farris,  Jane:  72;  on  death  of  Lang- 
ford,  75,  76 

Farris,  John  (inn  keeper) :  67,  72;  on 
death  of  Langford,  74,  75 

Fayette   (Miss.)  :  200,  264 

Fayette  Co.    (Penn.) :  158 

Filson  Club:  5,  345;  Robertson's  Pe- 
titions, 166,  342;  Speed's  Wilder- 
ness Road,  70,   343 

Fink,  Mike:  see  Mike  Fink,  327,  341 

Finley,  Alex.  C,  Russellville  and  Lo- 
gan County:  165,  271-274,  338 

Flagg,  Edmund,  Far  West:  29,  32, 
173,  330,  338 

Flatboating,  Golden  Age  of:  38 

Flint,  Timothy:  History  and  Geo- 
graphy of  the  Mississippi  Valley, 
338;  Recollections,  338 

Fluger,  Colonel,  or  Colonel  Plug 
(boat-wrecker)  :  43,  344 

Folk-Lore,     Journal     of     American: 

[57]   338 
Ford,  Cassandra  (daughter  of  James 


Index 


353 


Ford):    285,    291,    292,    303;    Mrs. 
Charles  H.  Webb,  285,  303 
Ford,  Francis  (infant  son  of  Philip)  : 

304 

Ford,  James:  14;  youth,  284;  ap- 
pearance, 292;  marriage,  303,  318; 
as  James  Wilson  in  Chronicles,  47, 
291-293,  329;  Ford's  Ferry  Road, 
293-297;  Ford  versus  Simpson, 
302,  303 ;  death,  burial,  grave,  and 
will,  306,  309-313;  facsimile  of 
signature,  313;  see  Ford's  Ferry 
Mystery 

Ford,  James,  Jr.  (infant  son  of 
James  Ford)  :  303 

Ford,  Philip  (son  of  James  Ford)  : 
will  and  grave  of,  304 

Ford,  William  M.  (son  of  James 
Ford):  303;  will  and  grave  of, 
304,  305 

Ford's  Boat  Landing:  285 

Ford's  Ferry:  location  of,  18 

Ford's  Ferry  Mystery:  283-306; 
James  Ford,  283-285 ;  Webb  broth- 
ers at  Cave,  286-292;  Ford's  Ferry 
Road,  293  ;  Potts  tragedy,  294-301 ; 
Ford  versus  Simpson,  302,  303 ; 
death  and  wills  of  Philip  and  Wil- 
liam Ford,  304,  306 

Forman,  Samuel  S.,  Journey:  338 

Fort  de  Chartres:  23 

Fort  Gibson:  196,  251 

Fort  Henry  (Wheeling,  W.  Va.)  : 
160,  164 

Fort  Massac:  159,  167,  274,  292 

Fowler,  Judge  Wiley  P.    (attorney): 

314-317 

Frazier,  Mrs.  Elizabeth:  marries 
James  Ford,  303 

Free  Henry  Ford:  126 

Fulson  (associate  of  Mason):  220, 
229,  232 

Gallatin  Co  (111.) :  313,  319 

Gallows  Field:  near  Old  Green- 
ville, 261 ;  picture  of,  259 

Garrard,  Gov.  James:  urges  capture 


of  Harpes,  85,  92,  100;  issues  proc- 
lamation, 88,   89 
Gatewood,  Mr.   (attorney):  314 
Geyon,   Major:  militia,   220 
Gibson    (associate    of   Mason):   220, 

221,  223,  228,  229 
Gibson,  Smith   (alias  Druck  Smith)  : 

232 
Gilmore,  or  Gillmore:  killed  by  Har- 
pes, 113 
Given,  Judge  Dixon   (attorney):  291 
Glass,    Anthony    (associate    of    Ma- 
son):    191,     223,     225,    226,     231; 
Mrs.  Glass,  231 
Golconda    (111.)  :    18,   276,    293,    314, 

318,  319 
Gower,    John    (jailer    at    Stanford)  : 

76,  77 
Gratz,  Simon,  Rodney  Letters:  [258] 

338 

Grave  Creek  Fort:  160 

Graves,  John  (and  son):  killed  by 
Harpes,  102 

Green,  Willis  (court  clerk)  :  72 

Green  Co.   (Ky.)  :  99 

Green  River:  84,  90,  92,  98,  103, 
108,   116,  165,  235 

Green  Tree  Grove   (Ky.)  :  122 

Greenville,  Old  [Hunston],  (Miss.)  : 
25,  151,  249,  250,  254-266;  Little 
Harpe  and  James  May  executed 
at,  255-266;  court  records,  257- 
261,  335;  picture  of  Gallows 
Field,  259 

Grindstone  Ford:  185,  198 

Grissom,  William  (or  Gresham)  : 
pursues  Harpes,  114-125,  131;  re- 
ward to,  139 

Grundy,  Judge  Felix:  135 

Guardian  of  Freedom:  102,  151,  262, 

339 
Guild,   Josephus    C,    Old    Times    in 
Tennessee:  179-183,  201,  244  [262] 

339 
Gum  Springs,  Old  (Miss.)  :  181 
Hall,  Frederick,  Letters:  268,  339 


354 


Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 


Hall,  James:  15,  330;   "Story  of  the 

Harpes,"   Port   Folio,    57,    58    [90] 

Letters  from   the   West,   67-69,   78, 

105,  125,  176  [111]  ;  Harpe's  Head, 

or    Kentucky    A    Tale,    148,    150, 

322-326;  Legends  of  the  West,  326; 

Romance      of      Western      History 

[176]     Western     Sowvenier,     341 ; 

Western  Monthly  Magazine,   330; 

description     of     Harpes,     149-154; 

Sturdevant  in  Sketches,  279-281 
Hall,  William    (counterfeiter)  ;   49 
Hammack,   Mrs.:  visits   Duff's  cave, 

275,  276 
Hand,   Gen.  Edward:  160,  161 
Hanna,      Charles      A.,      Wilderness 

Trail:  339 
Hardin,  Mr.:  killed  by  Harpes,  99 
Hardin,  Co.  (111.)  :  18;  when  formed, 

313;    Cave    a    "corner"    of   county 

line,  313 
Harpe,  Betsey    (alleged  wife  of  Big 

Harpe)  :  see  The  Harpes 
Harpe,  Big:  see  The  Harpes 
Harpe,  Joe  Roberts    (alleged   son  of 

Big  Harpe)  :  154 
Harpe,     John      (brother      of     Wm. 

Harpe)  :  145 
Harpe,    Joshua    (or    Little    Harpe)  : 

145  ;  see  The  Harpes 
Harpe,  Little:  see   The  Harpes 
Harpe,     Lovey     (daughter     of     Big 

Harpe)  :  154,  155 
Harpe,    Micajah     (or    Big    Harpe)  : 

see  The  Harpes 
Harpe,  Sally  (wife  of  Little  Harpe)  : 

see  The  Harpes 
Harpe,    Sally  Rice    (daughter)  :    156 
Harpe,  Susan   (wife  of  Big  Harpe)  : 

see  The  Harpes 
Harpe,    Wiley     (or    Little    Harpe)  : 

see  The  Harpes 
Harpe,    William     (brother    of    John 

Harpe)  :  145 
Harpe,    William     (or    Big    Harpe)  : 

145  ;  see  The  Harpes 
Harpes,      The:       (1)      Big      Harpe 


(alias  Micajah  Harpe,  alias  Mi- 
cajah Roberts)  (2)  Little  Harpe 
(alias  Wiley  Harpe,  alias  Wiley 
Roberts,  alias  John  Setton,  alias 
John  Taylor,  alias  Wells,  see  also 
Setton,  Taylor,  Wells;  (3)  Susan 
Harpe,  (wife  of  Big  Harpe,  alias 
Susan  Roberts)  ;  (4)  Betsey  Harpe, 
(supplementary  wife  of  Big  Harpe, 
alias  Betsey  Walker,  alias  Betsey 
Roberts)  ;  (5)  Sally  Harpe  (wife 
of  Little  Harpe,  alias  Sally  Rice, 
alias  Sally  Roberts).  .  .  .Parent- 
age, kinship,  marriage,  60-63,  I44" 
147,  154;  personal  appearance,  61, 
88,  89,  99,  148-154,  243,  244,  255, 
262;  children,  79,  80,  105,  106, 
*37j  I54"I56,  326;  character,  14, 
52,  55-58,  152-156;  motives,  60, 
61,  157.  ...  In  Knoxville  and 
Tenn.,  61-66;  along  Wilderness 
Road,  67-76;  imprisonment  and 
trial  at  Stanford,  71-76;  in  Dan- 
ville jail,  men  escape,  women  re- 
leased, 77-82 ;  governor's  procla- 
mation of  reward,  83-89,  100,  150; 
reward  paid,  139,  140;  on  Dia- 
mond Island,  172,  173 ;  at  Cave-in- 
Rock,  90-94;  return  to  Tenn.,  94- 
97 ;  return  to  Ky.,  97-106 ;  in  Hen- 
derson Co.,  and  lower  Green  River 
Country,  107-114;  capture  and 
death  of  Big  Harpe,  escape  of 
Little  Harpe,  114-125,  136-138;  ul- 
timate fate  of  Big  Harpe's  cap- 
tors, 141-154;  Big  Harpe's  head 
on  Harpe's  Head  Road,  125-128. 
.  .  .  Murders  committed  by: 
Johnson,  65,  66;  Payton,  66;  Paca 
and  Bates,  66,  67;  Langford,  67- 
77;  Trabue,  86,  87;  Dooley,.  89; 
90;  on  Potts  plantation,  90;  Brad- 
bury, 95 1  Coffey,  95,  96 ;  Ballard, 
95;  Brassel,  96;  Tully,  98,  99; 
Hardin,  99;  Graves  and  son,  102; 
negro  boy,  103 ;  small  girl,  103 ; 
Trisword  brothers,  103, 104;  a  child 


Index 


355 


of  Harpe,  105,  106,  137;  Trow- 
bridge, 108, 109 ;  Hudgens  and  Gil- 
more,  113;  Love,  111-114;  Mrs. 
Moses  Stegall  and  son,  111-114; 
Samuel  Mason,  250-254.  .  .  .  Harpe 
women  arrested,  tried  and  released, 
125-138;  ultimate  fate  of  Harpe 
women,  154-156.  .  .  .  Little  Harpe, 
as  John  Setton,  Taylor,  and  Wells, 
in  South  and  in  Mason's  band, 
196-203,  203-266;  Draper's  notes 
on  life  of  John  Setton,  221,  222 ; 
Harpe,  as  Setton,  tells  life  of  self, 
220,  221 ;  facsimile  of  his  signa- 
ture as  John  Setton,  209 ;  testi- 
mony as  Setton  at  Mason  trial,  219- 
228 ;  sent  in  chains  to  New  Or- 
leans, 241-246 ;  joins  May  and 
helps  kill  Mason,  250-254;  captured 
and  executed  with  May,  256-266 

"Harpes,  Sketch  of  the:"  see  Draper 

"Harpes,  Story  of  the:"  see  James 
Hall 

Harpe 's  Head,  Hall:  see  James  Hall 

Harpe's  Head,  and  Harpe's  Head 
Road:  125-128,  143,  172 

Harpe's   Hill:  126 

Harpe's  "House:"   126 

Harper,  L.  D.:  Colonial  Men  and 
Times,  including  Trabue's  Auto- 
biography, 339;  see  Daniel  Tra- 
bue 

Harper,  W.  L.    (orator)  :  192,  253 

Harriman  Junction:  95 

Harris,  Thaddeus  M.,  Tour:  24,  29, 

339 
Harrison,     Benjamin     and     William 

(of    Penn.)  :    kinsman    of    Mason, 

158,  218 
Haussman,  John  D.  (clerk) :  133 
Havard,   Henry:  "a  bad   man,"   170, 

171 
Hawkins  Co.  (Tenn.)  :  221 
Haynes,  Lucinda,  in  Chronicles:  329 
Heatherly  Gang:  154 
"Hell  on  the  Ohio,"  Logan  Belt,  by 

Jackson:  311,  312 


Henderson  (Red  Banks)  :  90,  92,  100, 

107,    127,    129-133,    137,    143,    167- 

172,  177,  184,  235-238 
Henderson    and    Madisonville    Pike: 

127 
Henderson  Columbian:  58 
Henderson   Co.    (Ky.)  :  93,   107,   140, 

141,    167-172,    176,    177,    249,    256; 

county  court  records,  129-133,  335; 

see    Starling's    Henderson    County, 

343 
Henry,  Parson:   143 
"Hercules  Short,"  or  Hank  Short  in 

Harpe's  Head:   326 
Herndon,   George;    on   Harpes:   134, 

155 
Hewitt    (accomplice  of  Mason)  :   171 
Highland  Creek:  107-109,  169,  172 
Highland  Lick:  107 
Hildreth,  S.  P.,  American      Pioneer : 

40-43,  167,  168,  339 
Hindes  Co.  (Miss.):  183,  188 
Hiram   (a  slave):  302 
Hite,    Colonel:    Mason    steals    horse 

from,  164 
Hitesville  (Ky.)  :  172 
Hoffman,   Charles  Fenno,   Winter  in 

the  West:  330,  339 
Holstein  River:  65,  99 
Hopkins,    Gen.    Samuel:    urges    cap- 
ture of  Harpes,  100,  108,  129,  133; 

sketch,  130 
Houck,  Louis,  Missouri:  339 
Hough,   Emerson,  Story  of  the  Out- 
law. 339 
Howard,  H.  R.:  History  of  Virgil  A. 

Stewart,  life   of  John  A.  Murrell, 

317,  3i8,  340 
Howard,  Joshua    (sheriff)  :  318 
Howard  Memorial  Library:  345 
Howe,  Henry,  Historical  Collections'. 

i75,  245,  340 
Hudgens       (Hutchins):      killed      by 

Harpes,    113 
Hufstetter,     John:     marries     Betsey 

Roberts,   154 
Hughes,   Roudy    Groggery:    65 


356 


Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 


Hulbert,  A.  B.,  Ohio  River:  340 
Hull,  Nathaniel    (111.  pioneer) :  23 
Hull's  Landing   (or  Robbins  Ferry) : 

23 
Hunston:  see  Old  Greenville  (Miss) 
Hunter,  Judge  James  G.    (of  Ky.) : 

80,  135 
Hurricane    Island:    44,    45,    50,    52, 

176,  285,  301 ;  Camp  Ground,  309 
Huston,    Judge    Nathan:    at    Harpe 

trial,  72 
Illinois,    Historic;    Parrish:    13,    341 
Illinois,  Pioneer  History  of,  Reynolds: 

23>   342 
Illinois  Gazette:  58,  90 
Illinois  State  Historical  Society:  340, 

345  ;  see  John  Jennings,  also  James 

A.  Rose 
Impartial   Observer:    101 
Indiana  State  Historical  Society:  340 
Indians:  25,  27-29 
Ingle's  (Inglish's)  Ferry:  74 
Irby,    David:    account   of    trip    with 

Langford,  73-75 
Irene  (a  slave) :  304 
Island  Ripple:  273,  274 
Jackson,   Shadrach   L.,   Logan  Belt: 

311,  312,  340 
Jackson   (Miss.) :  183,  185 
James,  Edwin,  Expedition  to   Rocky 

Mountains:  32,  340 
James'  Traveler's  Companion,  Mas- 

sey:  341 
Jefferson  Co.   (Miss.) :  248,  251,  257 
Jefferson  Co.  (Tenn.) :  65 
Jennings,  John,  Journal:  23,  340 
Johnson,  Mr.:  killed  by  Harpes,  65, 

66 
Jones,  Charles  H.,   The  Outlaw  and 

Other  Poems:  330-332 
Jones,  Rees:  on   Cumberland   River, 

238 
Kaskaskia  Tribe:  29 
Kellogg,  Louise  Phelps:  Frontier  Re- 
treat   [158,    163];    Thwaites    and 

Kellogg:  Frontier  Defence   [163]; 


Revolution     on     the     Upper     Ohio 

[160]   340,  344 
Kentucky,  History  of:  see  Allen ;  see 

Collins;  see  Marshall 
Kentucky,  Petitions  to  Early  Inhabi- 
tants of,  Robertson   [166]    342 
Kentucky  Acts:  98,  139,  140,  340 
Kentucky    Gazette:    69,    84,    90,    99, 

101,    126,    184,   248,   251,  262,   263, 

340 
Kentucky  Herald:  101 
Kentucky  Settlement,  Chronicles  of  a: 

see  Watts 
Kentucky    State    Historical    Society: 

345 

Kentucky  State  Library:  345 

Ker,  Judge  David    (of  Miss.) :  257 

Kitty  (a  slave):  304 

Knob  Lick:  107,  170 

Knox,  Judge  Hugh   (of  Ky.)  :  169 

Knox  Co.  (Ky.) :  66 

Knox  Co.  (Tenn.) :  in 

Knoxville:  described  by  Weir,  62,  63 ; 
Harpes  at,  62-66,  95,  146,  155,  255, 
256 

Knoxville  Gazette:  101 

Koiret,  Mr.:  secret  service,  219,  223 

Kuykendall  [Corkendale],  (son-in- 
law  of  Mason) :  167,  168,  172 

LaFitte,  Jean    (pirate) :  272,   322 

Lafond,    Charles     (merchant) :    235, 

238 

LaForge,  Pierre  Antoine:  New  Mad- 
rid militia,  209,  210 

Lambuth,  Rev.  William:  unmolested 
by  Harpes,  60 

Landers,  Judge  Abraham  (of  Hen- 
derson) :  129 

Langford,  Thomas  (also  Lankford 
and  Stephen  Langford)  :  killed  by 
Harpes,  67-69;  Hall's  account,  67- 
69  ;  court  investigation,  72-77 ;  pur- 
suit of  murderers,  84;  Mrs.  Love,  a 
relative,   142 

Langolis,  Francois  (of  New  Madrid) : 


Index 


357 


Lecompte,  Mr.   (of  St.  Louis)  :  233 

Legends  of  the  West,  Hall;  see 
James  Hall 

Leiper  (Lieper)  John:  pursues 
Harpes,  114-125,  130-132;  deposi- 
tion of,  132;  reward  to,  139;  life 
of,  140-142 ;  Leiper  street  in  Dix- 
on, Ky.,   144 

Lesieur,  Mr.  (of  Little  Prairie)  : 
210,  2iz 

Lesueur,  Charles  Alexander:  draw- 
ing of  Cave,  35  ;  Life  in  America, 
by  Loir,  35,  340 

Letters  from  the  West,  Hall:  see 
James  Hall 

Lewis,  Lucy  Jefferson,  in  Chronicles: 
329 ;  two  sons  of,  329 

Lexington  Public  Library:  345 

Library  of  Congress:  345 

Life  as  It  Is :  see  J.  W.  M.  Breazeale 

Lincoln  Co.  (Ky.) :  66,  69,  70,  84,  165 ; 
Danville  district  court  records,  70- 
76,  79-82,  335 

Lindsey,  Neville:  pursues  Harpes, 
114-125,  130,  131;  deposition  of, 
132;  reward  to,  139;  life,  140 

Literary  Gazette:  57,  58,  337 

Little  Prairie  (now  Caruthersville, 
Mo.):  205,  207-212,  230,  239;  Ma- 
son captured  in,  207-215 

Little  Prairie  of  the  St.  Francis  Riv- 
er: 220 

Livingston  Co.  (Ky.) :  272,  285,  316- 
319;    court    records,    302-305,    312, 

3i3,  335 
Logan,  Judge  Hugh:  at  Harpe  trial, 

Logan  Co.  (Ky.)  :  103,  104,  165 
Logan  District  Court  Records,  Rus- 

sellville,  Ky.:  129-133,  135,  335 
Logan's   Fort    (or   St.   Asaph's)  :   70, 

71 ;  now  Stanford,  Ky.,  70,  71 
Loir,  Adrien,  Lesueur  in  America:^, 

340 
Long,  C.  W.,  Louisville  Post:  340 
Long,     Stephen     H.,     Expedition     to  | 


Rocky   Mountains:    by   James,    32, 
340 

Louisiana    (a  row  galley)  :  220 

Louisiana:  Historical  Society,  345; 
State  Museum,  345 

Louisville:  Courier-Journal,  316,  336, 
341;  Post,  340;  Western  Literary 
and  Historical  Magazine,  m-125, 
344 

Louisville  Free  Public  Library:   345 

Love,  Arthur,  in  Chronicles:  291 

Love,  William:  killed  by  Harpes, 
111-114,  129,  131,  142;  wife  Es- 
ther, in,  112 

Lowery,  Robert,  Mississippi:  [192, 
200,]  253,  340 

Lumley,  Jonathan  (boatman)  :  286, 
287 

McBee,  Squire  Silas:  110-115;  story 
of  Harpes  told  Draper,  115-125, 
130,  131;  reward  to,  139;  life  of, 
115,  140 

McClung,  John  A.,  Western  Adven- 
ture: 108 

McCoy,  Capt.  Robert:  captures  Ma- 
son, 210-212 ;  testimony  at  trial, 
216,  217;  takes  Mason  to  New  Or- 
leans, 239-246;  death  of,  247 

McDowell,  Judge  Samuel  (of  Ky.) : 
80,  135 

McFarland  (M'Farling)  Alexander, 
John,  and  Daniel:  pursue  Harpes, 
92;  reward  to,  140 

Madison,  James  (Secretary  of  State) : 
200 

Madisonville  and  Henderson  Pike: 
128 

Manuel,  Father:  234,  239 

Marked  Tree  (Ark.)  :  318 

Marrowbone  Creek:  102 

Marshall,       Humphrey,       Kentucky: 

[78]    340 
Mason,    Isaac     (brother    of    Samuel 

Mason)  :  158,  164 
Mason,    John    (son    of    Samuel)  :    in 

Natchez  jail,  188-190,  at  New  Mad- 


358 


Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 


rid  trial,  212-226,  228,  230,  233; 
testimony  of,  231,  232;  signature 
of,  209 ;  see  Samuel  Mason 

Mason,  Mrs.  John  (Marguerite 
Douglas):  198,  227,  236;  testimony 
of,  234 

Mason,  Joseph  (brother  of  Samuel 
Mason) :  158 

Mason,  Magnus  (son  of  Samuel) : 
New  Madrid  trial,  212;  testimony 
of,  234,  235  ;  becomes  worthy  citi- 
zen, 265 

Mason,  Samuel:  14,  25,  29,  37,  46- 
48,  52;  ancestry  of,  157,  158,  217, 
218;  personal  appearance  of,  244, 
245;  Revolutionary  soldier,  158- 
163,  165,  226;  ....  In  Va.  and 
Tenn.,  163-165;  in  Ky.,  near  Rus- 
sellville,  165,  166;  near  and  in 
Henderson,  167-172;  marriage  of  a 
daughter,  167,  168,  227;  on  Dia- 
mond Island,  172-174;  at  Cave-in- 
Rock,  174-176;  on  Natchez  Trace 
and  the  Mississippi,  176-232;  robs 
Kentucky  boatmen,  181-183;  robs 
Joshua  Baker,  183-188,  190,  196, 
216,  223-234;  robs  Owsley,  219, 
223,  225,  228,  233;  John  Mason  in 
Natchez  jail,  188-190,  230,  232; 
American  and  Spanish  authorities 
look  for  Mason  and  Harpe,  re- 
ward offered,  191-205,  210,  233, 
247,  252,  255.  .  .  .  Mason  family 
captured  at  Little  Prairie,  207-215; 
trial  at  New  Madrid,  215-240; 
record  of  criminal  procedure,  207- 
24°>  335  5  passport,  212-215,  236; 
testimony  at  trial,  217-219,  228- 
231 ;  sent  in  chains  with  Little 
Harpe  to  New  Orleans,  241-246; 
escape,  247-251 ;  double-crossed 
and  beheaded  by  Little  Harpe  and 
James  May,  251-254,  272;  identi- 
fication and  execution  of  his  mur- 
derers, 255,  266;  facsimile  sig- 
natures of  Samuel,  John,  and 
Thomas  Mason,  208-209 


Mason,  Mrs.  Samuel:  222,  234,  236 

Mason,  Samuel,  Jr.:  New  Madrid 
trial,  212;  testimony  of,  234;  be- 
comes worthy  citizen,  265 

Mason,  Thomas  (brother  of  Samuel 
Mason)  :  158   [165?] 

Mason,  Thomas  (son  of  Samuel)  : 
165,  170;  New  Madrid  trial,  212- 
228,  232,  236,  237;  testimony  of, 
233>  234  5  signature  of,  209;  see 
Samuel  Mason 

Mason,  Mrs.  Thomas  (daughter-in- 
law  of  Samuel) :  201 

Mason  Hills:  201 

Mason's   Creek:   172 

Massey,  S.  L.,  James'  Traveler's 
Companion:  341 

Maximilian,  Prince  of  Wied-Neu- 
wied,  Voyage  in  America:  32,  35, 
34i 

May,  James  (or  Isaac  or  Samuel 
May):  171,  249,  262;  joins  Little 
Harpe  and  helps  kill  Mason,  250- 
254;  captured  and  executed  with 
Little  Harpe,  256-266 

Meason,  Samuel  (same  as  Samuel 
Mason) :  14,  160 

Mecklenberg  Co.    (Va.)  :  67 

Memphis    (Chickasaw  Bluffs)  :  222 

Mercer  Co.  (Ky.)  :  84,  91,  92 

Metcalf  brothers:  suspects,  65 

Metcalfe  Co.   (Ky.)  :  89 

Mike  Fink,  A  Legend  of  the  Ohio, 
Bennett:   327 

"Mike  Fink,  The  last  of  the  Boat- 
men:" Neville,  341 

Miles,  Richard  (kinsman  of  Ford) : 
306 

Miller,  John    (merchant)  :  64 

"Mississippi,  Extinct  Towns  of,"  Ri- 
ley: 263,  342 

Mississippi,  History  of,  Lowry  and 
McCradle:  [192,  200]   253,  340 

Mississippi,  Valley  of  the,  Monette: 
176,   178,  191,   199,  202,  252,  341 

Mississippi,  as  a  Province,  Territory 
and  State,  see  J.  F.  H.  Claiborne 


Index 


359 


Mississippi,  Department  of  Archives 
and  History,  207,  246,  335,  341,  345; 
MS.  of  Mason's  trial,  207 

Missouri,  History  of,  Houck:  339 

Missouri  Historical  Society:  341,  345 

Moat's  Lick:  272 

Monette,  John  W.,  Valley  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi:   176,    178,    191,    199,    202, 

252,  34i 
Monongahela  River:  218 
Monroe,  James  (steamboat) :  31 
Montgomery,  Thos.    (notary)  :  72 
Montgomery,     Judge     William:     at 

Harpe  trial,  72 
Montgomery  Co.  (Va.)  :  74 
Morgan   Co.    (Tenn.)  :  95 
Mosique,     Mr.      (of     111.)  :     suspect, 

233 
Mound  Builders:  27,  28 
Mud  River:  104 
Muhlenberg    Co.     (Ky) :    122,     126; 

Rothert's  history  of,  342 
Mulligan,       James       (associate       of 

Shouse)  :  308,  3I3"3I5 
Murphy,  Samuel:  on  Mason's  career, 

164 
Murray,  C.  A.,  Travels'.  268,  341 
Murrell,   John   A.    ("land    pirate,"): 

317,  318,  341 ;  see  H.  R.  Howard's 

Stewart 
Nashville:  179,  180 
Natchez:  23,  25,   179,   180,   181,    188, 

191,    197,    204,    246-252,    263,    264, 

272 
Natchez  Galaxy:  185-188,  344 
Natchez;  Trace:  13,  43,  178,  223-225, 

230,  254,  265,  266,  343 ;  described, 

179-181;      Mason      on,      179-205; 

Swaney  on,  179-183,  201;  see  Mrs. 

Rowland,  and  John  Swain 
Navigator,  The  Ohio  and  Mississippi, 

Cramer:    24,    39-41,    44,    173,    203, 

337 
Navigator,  Western,  Cummings:  285, 

337 
Neville,    Morgan,    "Mike   Fink,   The 
Last  of  the  Boatmen:"  341 


New  Harmony  Workingmen's  Insti- 
tute: 345;  communal  colony,  35 

New  Madrid:  177,  180,  204,  205,  242; 
Mason's  trial   at,   207-240 

New  Orleans:  Mason  prison  at,  183, 
241-246 

Newberry  Library:  345 

Nicholson,  William   (sheriff)  :  226 

Nogales:  see  Vicksburg 

Nonpareil    (schooner)  :  41-43 

Nuttall,  Thomas,  Travels:  27,  31,  341 

Ogle,  Capt.  Joseph:  Fort  Henry,  161, 
162 

Ohio,  On  the  Storied,  Thwaites  343 

Ohio  County  Militia  (W.  Va.)  :  160 
163 

Ohio  Historical  and  Philosophical 
Society:   345 

Old  field,  Banks:  322 

Ormsby,  Judge  Stephen   (of  Ky.)  :  80 

"Outlaw,  The,"  poem,  Charles  H. 
Jones,  in   The  Outlaw:  330-332 

Owsley,  Mr.:  robbed  by  Mason,  219, 
223,  225,  228,  233 

Paca  killed  by  Harpes,  66,  67 

Paducah  (Ky.)  :  18 

Palladium:  101,  102,  204,  248,  249; 
proclamation  by  Governor  Gar- 
rard, 88,  89,  341 

Palmyra  (Miss.)  :  201 

Parrish,    Randall,    Historic    Illinois: 

13,   34i 
Parrott,  Mr.  (attorney)  :  258 
Parrow,  E.  C,  in  Folk-Lore  Journal: 

[57]   338 
Pearl  River:  185,  186 
Peltier,  Eustache:  testimony  Mason's 

trial,  238 
Pennsylvania       Historical       Society: 

[258],  34i 
Perrin  du  Lac,  Travels:  24,  341 
Peyroux,    Henri    (commandant,   New 

Madrid)  :   209,    211-215 
Peyton:  killed  by  Harpes,  66 
Phillips:   in    boat   robbery,    219,   223, 

225,  229,  232 
Pickering  Hill:  293,  294,  296 


360 


Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 


Pickett  Co.  (Tenn.)  :  97 

Piracy  on  rivers:  37-53,  i75>  x76,  x78, 
203 

Pittsylvania  Co.    (Va.)  :  73,  74 

Plug,  Colonel,  (or  Colonel  Fluger, 
boat-wrecker)  :  43,   344 

Poindexter,  George  (attorney  gen- 
eral) :  258 

Point  Coupee:  246,  247 

Pompey    (slave)  :  275-278 

Pond  River:  116,  118,  121,  126,  132, 

155 
Pool,  A.  H.  T.,  "Smithland:"  341 
Pope  Co.   (111.):  313,  318,  319;  court 

records,  313,  314,  335 
Port  Folio:  341,  the  Harpes,  by  Hall, 

57,  58,  67-69  [58,  90]  ;  D.  Roe  on 

Mason,  252 ;   Ashe  condemned  by, 

325 
Potts,  Billy:  294,  298,   301;   kills  his 

son,  294-298 
Potts'   Hill,   and   Potts'   Spring:  293- 

297 
Potts'  Place:  143 
Potts'  Plantation:  Harpes  murder  on, 

90 
Priest,  Josiah,  American  Antiquities: 

342 
Prior,  Mr.,  in  Chronicles:  291 
Providence  Lake:  201 
Purcell,   Martha   G.:  Stories   of  Old 

Kentucky,  342;   "Sister  of  Sage  of 

Monticello,"  329,  342 
Pyles,  John:  pursues  Harpes,  113,  114 
Rafinesque  (scientist) :  342 
Rankin,  John,  Letters:  342 
Red  Banks:  see  Henderson    {Ky.) 
Red  River:  165 
Rennick,    Lieut.    Seymour:    letter    to, 

197,  198 
Revolutionary    Soldiers    of    Virginia, 

List  of:  160,  344 
Reynold,  John:  My  Own  Times,  273, 

274,  281,  342;  Pioneer  Illinois,  23, 

342 
Rice,    Rev.    John     (father-in  law    of 

Little  Harpe)  :  63,  155,  156 


Rice,  Sally  (wife  of  Little  Harpe) 
see   The  Harpes 

Richards,  J.  Addison,  Romance  of 
American    Landscapes:     173,     342 

Richardson,  Jacob,  "Going  West  in 
1820:"  342 

Riley,  F.  L.,  "Extinct  Towns  of 
Mississippi:"    263,    342 

Rivers,  piracy  and  rough  life  on:  37- 
53,  175,  176,  178,  203 

Roane  Co.  (Tenn.)  :  95 

"Robber  of  the  Wilderness:"  Nat- 
chez Galaxy,  also  Wheeling  Ga- 
zette, Draper  MSS.,  185-188,   344 

Roberts    (brother-in-law   of   Harpe)  : 

J53,  154 
Roberts,  Betsey  (alleged  wife  of  Big 

Harpe)  see  The  Harpes 
Roberts,    Joe     (alleged    son    of    Big 

Harpe)  :  154 
Roberts,    Micajah    (or   Big    Harpe): 

see  The  Harpes 
Roberts,  Old  Man    (father-in-law  of 

Big  Harpe)  :  92,  99,  102,  103,  141, 

153 
Roberts,  Sally  (wife  of  Little  Harpe) 

see   The  Harpes 
Roberts,  Susan  (wife  of  Big  Harpe) : 

see  The  Harpes 
Roberts,    Wiley    (or    Little    Harpe)  : 

see  The  Harpes 
Robertson.    James     R.,     Petition     of 

Early     Inhabitants     of    Kentucky: 

[166]  342 
Robertson's  Lick:  107,   108,  113,   114, 

127,    130,    131;    Robert    Robertson, 

141 
Robin's  Ferry    (or   Hull's  Landing) : 

23 

Rockcastle  Co.  (Ky.)  :  67 

Rockcastle  River:  72 

Rocky  Springs:  200,  201 

Rodney  (Miss.)  :  251 

Rodney,  Judge  Thomas  (of  Miss.) : 
257;  "Letters  to  Caesar  A  Rod- 
ney,"   [258]    342 

Roe,  Daniel:  letter,  252 


Index 


361 


Roe,  Edward  Reynolds:  Virginia 
Rose,  327,  328 ;  Brought  to  Bay,  327 

Rogers,  Mr.  (of  Natchez)  :  robbed 
by  Mason,   184 

Rogues  Harbor:  near  Cave,  322 

Roosevelt,  Theodore,  Winning  of  the 
West:  342 

Rose,  Edward   (outlaw) :  265 

Rose,  James  A.,  "Regulators  and 
Flatheads:"  281,  34.2 

Rose,  Virginia,  in  Virginia  Rose,  by 
E.  R.  Roe:  327,  328 

Rothert,  Otto  A.:  Muhlenberg  Coun- 
ty [63,  127]  342;  Unity  Baptist 
Church   [126]    342;  Local  History, 

342 

'Round  Anvil  Rock,  Banks:  272,  273, 

322 

Rowan,  Andrew  (sheriff)  :  133 

Rowland,  Dunbar:  Mississippi  De- 
partment of  Archives,  207,  Gov. 
Claiborne's  Letter  Books,  196-198 
[195,  196,  264]  343;  Encyclopedia 
of  Mississippi  History,  342 ;  MS. 
record  Mason  trial,  207,  335 

Rowland,  Mrs.  Dunbar:  "Natchez 
Trace:"  [201]   343 

Ruddell,  George:  reports  detection 
of  Masons,  210,  211 

Duddell,  John  (of  Little  Prairie)  : 
210 

Russell  Co.   (Ky.) :  92,  102,  141,  153 

Russellville  (Ky.)  :  103,  104,  130,  154, 
165;   Harpe  women  at,  133-138 

Russellville  and  Logan  County,  Fin- 
ley:  165,  271-274,  338 

Russellville  and  Morgantown  Road : 
104 

St.  Genevieve  (Mo.)  :  239 

St.  Louis  Republic  343 

Salcedo,  Manuel  de:  letter  to,  192; 
letter  from  246 

Salem   (Ky.)  :  286,  291 

Saline  River:  90,  273,  274,  277,   278 

Salt  River,  Rolling  Fork  of:  73,  85 

Scaggs,  Henry:  pursues  Harpe,  85- 
87 


Schoolcraft,  Henry  R.:  334,  Memoirs, 
29,  330;  Indian  in  His  Wigvjam, 
330 

Schultz,   Christian,    Travels:  25,   343 

Sealsfield,  Charles,  Americans  as 
They  Are:  343 

Sebree   (Ky.)  :  107 

Sellers,   Isham:   130;   deposition,   131 

Setton,  John  (name  assumed  by  Lit- 
tle Harpe,  after  death  of  Big 
Harpe) :  203,  212,  217,  219,  221, 
228,  233,  234,  237,  241,  250,  252, 
254,  256-262;  own  story  of  life, 
220,  221 ;  Draper  on  life  of,  221, 
222;  see  John  Taylor;  see  The 
Harpes 

Sevier,  G.  W.  (of  Tenn.) :  60,  126, 
164 

Sevier,  Gov.  John:  60,  164,  165 

Seymour,   Samuel    (artist):   32 

Shankstown,  Old   (Miss.)  :  253,  265 

Sharpe,  William:  witness  for  Shouse, 
315 

Shawneetown  (111.)  :  18,  27,  32,  45, 
90,  293,  327,  328 

Short,  Hark,  "Hercules  Short,"  (al- 
leged son  of  Big  Harpe) :  326 

Shouse,  Henry  C:  301;  kills  Simp- 
son, 307,  313,  314;  trial  of,  314- 
318;  hanged,  319 

Simmons,  Mr.   (flatboatman)  :  311 

Simpson,  Vincent  B.:  301;  Ford  ver- 
sus Simpson,  302,  303 ;  killed  by 
Shouse,  307-314 

Slover,  John  (Indian  fighter)  :  108, 
109 

Smith,  Druck  (alias  Smith  Gibson): 
232 

Smith,  George:  wounded  by  Harpe, 
118,  136,  137 

Smith,  Rev.  John:  letter  on  Mason, 
246,  247 

Smith,  T.  Marshall,  Legends:  103, 
105,    146    [61,    62,    67,    105,    138] 

343 
Smith,  Thomas  (of  Henderson)  :  170 
Smithland  (Ky.)  :  94,  285,  291,  341 


362 


Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 


Spaulding,  Martin  J.,  Early  Catholic 
Missions  in  Kentucky.  343 

Spanish  authority  along  the  Missis- 
sippi: 178,  192,  195,  205,  242 

Spears,    George:   pursues   Harpe,    86 

Speed,    Thomas,    Wilderness    Road: 

[70]    343 
Stack  Island   (Crow's  Nest,  or  Island 

No.  94)  :  201-204 
Stafford,  William  H.,  Blenner  has  sett 

Papers'.  343 
Stalnaker,    Peter    (associate    of    Ma- 
son) :  163,  164 
Stanford    (Ky.),    (Logan's  Fort):  66, 

69,  70:  court  records,  70,  76,  355 
Starling,      Edmund     L.      Henderson 

County:  91,   92,   168,   326    [92,   93, 

107,   130]    343 
Steamboat:  Orleans,  31;  Paragon,  32 
Steele,  Eliza  R.,  Journey:  343 
Stegall,     John     (infant)  :     killed     by 

Harpes,   111-114 
Stegall,  Steigal,  Moses:  no,  129-132; 

pursues    Harpes,    1 14-125;    reward 

to,    139;    Stegall    street    in    Dixon, 

144;   life  of,  142-144 
Stegall,  Mrs.  Moses  (Mrs.  Mary  Ste- 
gall) :    killed   by    Harpes,    111-114, 

129,  132,  134 
Stephens,  C.  A.,  The  Ark  of  1803:  322 
Steuben's  Lick   (Ky.)  :  109 
Stevenson,  William  H.  J.    (associate 

of  Shouse)  :  308,  313-315 
Stewart,  William  (sheriff)  :  104,  133- 

138,  150-156,  Sketch  of,  138 
Stewart,   History   of   Virgil  A.    (life 

of  John  A.  Murrell)  :  317,  318,  340; 

see  H.  R.  Howard 
Stockton,  Nathaniel:  pursues  Harpes, 

98-100 
Strong,  W.  E.:  pursues  Harpes,  84 
Stump,  Mr.:  killed  by  Harpes,  89,  90 
Stump,     Capt.     Frederick:    identifies 

Little  Harpe,  255 
Stump,    Capt.   John:   interviewed   by 

Draper,  255 


Sturdevant  (counterfeiter):  272,  278; 
Hall's  Sketches,  279-281 ;  see  Coun- 
terfeiters at  Cave 
Sulphur  Springs  Cave   (111.) :  30 
Swain,  John,  "Natchez  Trace":  343 
Swaney,  John  L.:  story  of  Mason,  in 
Guild's    Old    Times,    179-183,   201, 
244  [262]   339 
Taylor,  John  (name  assumed  by  Lit- 
tle    Harpe     after     death     of     Big 
Harpe)  :    212,    217,    219-221,    224, 
232,  256-262;  see  The  Harpes 
Tennessee,    Old     Times    in,    Guild: 

179-183,  201   [262]  244,  339 
Tennessee  Gazette:  248,  343 
Tennessee  River:  180,  191,  198 
Thompkins,  James:  pursues  Harpes, 
109,  114;  reward  to,  139;  life,  140 
Thompson,  Mrs.    (daughter  of  Sam- 
uel Mason) :  218 
Thompson,  T.  P.:  library  of;  345 
Thruston,  R.  C.  Ballard,  library  of: 

345 

Thwaites,  Reuben  Gold:  On  the 
Storied  Ohio ;  editor  Wither's 
Chronicles',  Thwaites  and  Kellogg: 
Frontier  Defense;  [163]  Revolu- 
tion on  the  Upper  Ohio  [160]  ;  343, 
344;    see   Early    Western    Travels 

Tiel,  Edward;  pursues  Harpes,  65 

Todd,   Thomas    (attorney):  76 

Tolu  (Ky.) :  285,  305 

Tower  Rock:  44 

Trabue,  Daniel:  Autobiography  in 
Colonial  Men  and  Times,  78,  86, 
87,  97-100,  102  [86,  95-99,  102] 
141,  150,  339 

Trabue,  John:  killed  by  Harpes,  86, 
87,  141 

Tradewater  River:  143,  273,  274 

Triplett,  Frank,  Great  American 
Crimes:  128,  344 

Triplett,  Robert,  Roland  Trevor:  128, 

344 
Trisword  brothers:  killed  by  Harpes, 

103,  104 


Index 


363 


Trowbridge,  Mr.:  killed  by  Harpes, 

108,  109 
Tully,    John:   killed    by   Harpes,    98, 

99;   legislative   act  for  Christiana, 

widow  of,  98 
Union  Co.  (Ky.) :  172 
Union   County  Kentucky,   Evansville 

Courier  Co.:  273,  278,  338 
Van  Cleve,  B.,  Journal  of:  167,  168, 

339 

Venable,  W.  H.,  Beginnings  of  Lit- 
erary Culture  in  Ohio  Valley:  344 

Vicksburg  (Walnut  Hills,  or  No- 
gales)  :  196-198,  201,  212,  220,  223- 
225,  232 

Vidal,  N.  M.  V.  (secretary  of  war, 
Spanish  Louisiana)  :  246 

Virginia  Rose,  E.  R.  Roe:  327,  328 

Virginia  State  Library,  List  of  Revo- 
lutionary Soldiers  of  Virginia:  160, 

344 

Wabash  River:  23 

Wales,  Doctor:  attends  Mrs.  John 
Mason,  227 

Walker,  Betsey  (alleged  wife  of  Big 
Harpe)  :  see  The  Harpes 

Walker,  Elizabeth  (alleged  wife  of 
Big  Harpe)  :  see  The  Harpes 

Walker's  Bar:  44 

Wallace,  Mr.  (lawyer)  :  defends  Ma- 
son, 188 

Waller,  John:  captures  Jim  Wilson, 

Walnut  Hills:  see  Vicksburg 
Warren  Co.  (Miss.)  :  253,  265 
Washington    (Miss.)  :   196,   252,   257, 

272 
Washington  Co.   (Tenn.)  :  164 
Waters,    Dr.    Richard    Jones:    218; 

testimony  Mason  trial,  235-237 
Watts,  Joseph,  in  Chronicles:  329 
Watts,  William  Courtney:  Chronicles 
of  a  Kentucky  Settlements  47,  285, 
329,  344;  Webb  brothers,  at  Cave, 
285-292;  Ford  as  Wilson,  47,  291- 
293,  Watts  on  Shouse  case,  316 


Webb,  Dr.  Charles  H.  (son-in-law  of 
James  Ford)  :  46,  292,  303,  304, 
329;  at  Cave,  285-291 

Webb,  Mrs.  Charles  H.:  see  Cassan- 
dra Ford 

Webb,  John:  held  at  Cave,  286-291 

Webster  Co.   (Ky.) :  128,  144 

Weir,  James;  describes  Knoxville, 
62 

Wells  (name  assumed  by  Little 
Harpe) :  219,  221,  232,  256,  see 
The  Harpes 

Welsh,  Joseph    (sheriff)  :  76-77 

Welsh,  Nicholas  (associate  of  Ma- 
son) :  171 

Welsh,  Thomas:  pursues  Harpes,  73; 
on  death  of  Langford,  j6 

Weston    (Ky.)  :  303 

Western  Literary  and  Historical 
Magazine:  Draper's  "Sketch  of  the 
Harpes,"  115-125,  344 

Western  Monthly  Magazine:  Hall's 
review  of  The  Outlaw,  330,  339, 
344 

Western  Monthly  Review:   344 

Western   Souvenier,   Hall:    341 

Western  Spy  and  Hamilton  Gazette: 
101,  246,  248,  256,  344 

Wheeling,  Siege  of:  see  Fort  Henry 

Wheeling  Gazette:  185-188,  344 

White,  Robert:  pursues  Harpe,  140 

White  River:  203,  204,  220 

Wiguens  (associate  of  Mason):  219, 
220,  223,  228   229 

Wilderness  Road :  66-68,  72,  75  ;  Wil- 
derness Road,  Speed   [70]   343 

Wiley,  George:  quoted  in  Claiborne's 
Mississippi,  188,  189 

Williamson  Co.   (Tenn.)  :  221 

Wilson  (associate  of  Mason  on  the 
Miss.)  :  221 

Wilson,  James:  name  for  James  Ford 
in  Chronicles,  47,  291-293,  329 

Wilson,  Jim:  career  of,  47-52;  Liq- 
uor  Vault    and    House   for    Enter- 


364 


Outlaws  of  Cave-in-Rock 


tainment,  47,  49 ;  Wilson's  Tavern, 
49,  51;  Wilson's  Gang,  50,  284 

Wilson  — :  name  for  Samuel  Mason 
at  Cave,  47,  175 

Winterington  (son-in-law  of  Sam- 
uel Mason) :  218 

Winters,  Elisha:  robbed  by  Mason, 
251,  258 

Wisconsin  State  Historical  Society, 
335,  336,  344,  345  5  see  Draper; 
Kellogg's  Frontier  Retreat, 
Thwaites  and  Kellogg,  Frontier 
Defence,  Revolution  on  the  Upper 
Ohio 

Withers,  Alexander  S.:  Chronicles  of 
Border  Warfare  [162]   344 


Wolf  Island:  177 

Wood,     John      (father      of      Susan 

Harpe) :  145 
Wood,  William:  pursues  Harpe,  98- 

100 
Woods,  Edgar,  Albarmare  County  in 

Virginia'.  344 
Worthen,  A.  H.   (111.  geologist)  :  344 
Wythe  Co.   (Va.) :  74 
Yazou  River:  196,  197 
Yeakey,  Robert  Lee:  owner  of  Cave, 

28 
Young,  Captain:  pursues  outlaws  in 

Ky.,  91-93 
Young,   Rev.  Jacob,  Autobiography. 

102,  103,  153,  154,  345 


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